Burma Update
News and updates on Burma31 August 2011
News on Burma - 31/8/11
Prisons act reform proposal rejected by Home Minister – Ahunt Phone Myat Democratic Voice of Burma: Tue 30 Aug 2011 A proposal submitted to the People's Parliament by Thingangyun township MP, Thein Nyunt, to reform the Prison's act, has been rejected by the speaker of the house because the speaker said the Home Ministry was already drafting a revised Prisons Act. While no discussion of an amnesty has taken place, despite reports to the contrary in the state mouth piece the New Light of Myanmar. The Prisons Act proposal by Thein Nyunt intended; "to provide necessary arrangements for drafting a bill of the Prisons Act, which is agreeable to the 21st century and guarantee human dignity and to introduce the bill to the third regular session of the first Pyithu Hluttaw". Pe Than, People's Parliament representative of Arakan State's Myebon township told DVB that; "There were six non-USDP representatives who discussed in favour of [Thein Nyunt's proposal] and three USDP representatives argued against it. The Home Affairs minister said his ministry was already preparing to submit the bill in the parliament and the [parliament] speaker decided to only keep a record of U Thein Nyunt's proposal without giving him a chance to argue back," said Pe Than. Whilst on Home Affairs Minister, Lieutenant General Ko Ko's discussion on the bill, Pe Than added that; "It is not yet revealed which sections [of the prisons act] will be changed – he just spoke generally and said that there have been preparations to change some, if not all, sections in the law regarding the worst situations such as issues with food, accommodation, solitary confinement, transferring of inmates to remote prisons, inmates not being allowed to get medical assistance or to read books and newspapers, non-judicial punishment by prison officials." There will be concern that the Prisons Act revision by the Home Ministry will therefore not carry the necessary legislation that prevents torture and inhuman treatment of prisoners as critics and former inmates allege is routine in Burma's prison system. Thein Nyunt said: "We have to shine a spotlight and ensure, when the parliament discusses this new prisons act, that it is in accordance with the article 44 of the constitution, that; No penalty shall be prescribed that violates human dignity and also the United Nations' Declaration of Human Rights, that states that; No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment." A question regarding prison laws was also raised in the National Parliament yesterday where regional judges are to continue to submit prison reports to the Union Supreme Court as provided in the 1962 Prisons Act. Upholding any law, debated in parliament or not, will continue to be problematic with the rule of law seemingly ignored as trials take place behind closed doors and with judges like the vast majority of MPs are appointees of the military, and seriously lacking in autonomy. Suu Kyi article suppressed by Burma's censorship board – Kyaw Kha Mizzima News: Tue 30 Aug 2011 Chiang Mai – Burma's opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's first effort to publish an article in a Burmese journal has been censored, and she has withdrawn it from publication. The article was about her personal pilgrimage to Bagan, the ancient temple complex in central Burma. The Burmese censorship board is typically referred to as the "Press Kempeitai" by the literary community, which refers to the Japanese army's brutal military police wing that was part of the occupation forces in Burma during World War II. Suu Kyi gave the Rangoon-based People's Era Journal the article about her trip to Bagan earlier this year. The censorship board told the journal to remove several paragraphs of the article. When the journal informed Suu Kyi that her article could not be published unless those paragraphs were removed, she withdrew the article, the journal's editor Maung Wun Tha told Mizzima. "As usual, the censorship board told us to remove certain paragraphs. When they tell us to remove something in articles written by us, we remove them," Maung Wun Tha said. Maung Wun Tha did not disclose the contents of the paragraphs to be cut from Suu Kyi's article. Pe Myint, the chief editor of People's Era, said that the journal would appeal the decision and try to publish the entire article by Suu Kyi. "We will talk with the board and resubmit the article again. If the circumstances improve, the article will be allowed," Pe Myint told Mizzima. The article is one page in length, he said. Suu Kyi's article about her trip to Bagan has already been published in English by The Mainichi Daily News in Japan. An official at the censorship board said that Suu Kyi's article was in a "postponed status," and there was a possibility to publish it at an opportune time in the future. "For instance, there are six paragraphs in an article. If four out of the six paragraphs conflict with policy, we have to remove them. So, just two paragraphs are not enough to be published and the whole story cannot be used. Now, the article is in a 'postponed status'. The article has not been banned permanently. There is a possibility to publish it. Now, we are reading it again and scrutinizing it," the official said. President Thein Sein said in his opening speech to Parliament early this year that the government will respect the role of the media, traditionally the fourth pillar of a country, and he urged publications to present information that people needed to know. He said that constructive suggestions offered by the media should be respected, and suggestions and criticism of the government by the media would be welcomed as a step in establishing freedom of the press, Lower House Speaker Thura Shwe Mann said at the opening session of the second regular session of Parliament, which started on August 22, that media would be permitted to compile news about parliamentary sessions. Despite his statement, the censorship board has removed certain criticisms of government policies, said local journalists who cover the parliamentary sessions. Keep kyat low for industry: minister – Shwe Aung Democratic Voice of Burma: Tue 30 Aug 2011 A union minister in a meeting with journalists on the 28 August, suggested that the government looks to maintain a fixed currency exchange rate at around 900-1000 Kyat for one US dollar. A news journal editor who attended the meeting with Industrial-2 Minister and chairman of Industrial Development Committee, Soe Thein, told DVB that; "He said the government should make sure that no harm is done to export/import businesses, those who hold foreign currencies in the country and the country's productivity, trade and financial systems." "He said that he personally thinks the currency rate should be fixed at around 900-1000 Kyat for one US dollar," said the journal editor under condition of anonymity. He continued that the minister expressed hope that export/import businessmen will be able to do business with confidence in the near future. Burma has only recently began to show signs of developing a viable manufacturing sector with industries such as garments offering hope of much needed jobs. However exchange rates in Burma have dropped to as low as 718 kyat to the US dollar, which has led to economists to urge the government to take swift action on preventing this as well as informing people about the situation. The danger is that Burma's nascent garments and manufacturing sector will be moth balled as exports are no longer competitive, and imports from larger more developed economies become cheaper. However Thein Sein has hinted that, in line with the opinions of his senior economic advisor, U Myint, the currency should be floated; traded and therefore liable to the currency appreciation that is currently harming exports. China are accused of fixing their currency as it appears Soe Thein is in favour of. The Chinese do so by selling or buying Yuan and or dollars and as such they have been able to keep their currency artificially lower and therefore exports cheaper. This has maintained the country's high growth rate and also crucially maintained the growth in new low wage jobs in the economy, which has been the bed rock of China's remarkable economic transformation. As a result the United States has embarked on a similar tactic which it calls 'quantative easing' but essentially entails pumping more dollar bills into the market, thereby reducing the value of the currency and inducing other nations to call for a new reserve currency. This has exacerbated problems with Burma's currency. Not only has investment in Burma's energy sector shot through the roof, helping foreign direct investment (FDI) go from US$ 300 million to US$ 20 billion in the previous financial year, but energy prices have risen and the fire sale of government assets has meant that money previously kept in Singapore or elsewhere has poured back in and been converted to kyat in order to buy up solid assets in the country, thereby rising in value. With suggestions that the government will do away with antiquated economic systems such as the Foreign Exchange Certificate and multiple exchange rates in general, economic reform has looked the most realistic of the raft of modernising reforms that have been hinted at. It has been suggested that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) will be invited in to help facilitate any such currency reform. The government's current official exchange rate is set at 6 Kyat for one US dollar. But amidst the climate of reform, it has looked likely that the government will float the currency and lump for a market driven rate. Soe Thein's suggestion therefore could indicate a split between those favouring a more liberal approach and those favouring mirroring China's more controlled policy. In any case in an attempt to try and head off a slump as a result of the strong currency the government looked to cut export taxes for a number of key agricultural commodities. The strong currency ironically meant that agricultural commodities flooded the local market as they were no longer sold abroad, making them cheaper on the local market and putting farmers into debt. Don't leave ethnics out of 'win-win' deal – Saw Yan Naing Irrawaddy: Tue 30 Aug 2011 Change is said to be underway in Burma, as the country's rulers appear to be relaxing their grip on the democratic opposition and taking a more conciliatory approach to their international critics. President Thein Sein has met pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi in Naypyidaw, and the UN human rights envoy to Burma, Tomás Ojea Quintana, recently concluded a rare visit to the country. Thein Sein has also reached out to exiles, urging them to return home, and Burma's state-run media has stopped its ritual denunciation of the BBC, VOA and RFA. So far, much of the discussion about these developments has focused on whether they really amount to anything. Clearly, in themselves, they are a far cry from the breakthrough that the people of Burma, and the world, have been waiting decades to witness. But already, there are some in the country who worry that they are in danger of being written out of this "history in the making"—if that's what it is. For Burma's ethnic peoples, recent hints of a possible detente between the Naypyidaw-centered, military-backed government and the Rangoon-centered democratic opposition are cause for concern. Historically, ethnic minorities, who make up about a third of the population, have been marginalized by Burmese politics. Still struggling for their survival and their right to self-determination, they now worry that any "peace" achieved in the Burmese heartland may never extend as far as their own homelands. While some prominent exiles consider returning to test the waters and people speak hopefully of a new era of cooperation between the government and opposition groups in the fields of social and economic development, the outlook for Burma's ethnic minorities remains utterly devoid of optimism. Since Thein Sein assumed power earlier this year, tensions that have been mounting since last year over the refusal of armed ceasefire groups to form "border guard forces" under Burmese military command have come to a head in Shan and Kachin states. Burmese offensives in areas under the control of Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Shan State Army (SSA) have forced thousands of civilians to flee. This depressingly familiar situation—for the past two decades, more than 140,000 war refugees have huddled in crowded camps on the Thai-Burmese border, and tens of thousands more have been forced to hide in the jungles inside Burma—has attracted remarkably little international attention, as all eyes now focus on events in the country's centers of power. Over the years, ethnic civilians have suffered countless atrocities at the hands of Burmese troops, including forced labor, rape, torture and murder. To some extent, this situation was mitigated by the ceasefire agreements that were reached in the 1990s between the Burmese army and an array of armed groups—the KIA, the SSA-North, the United Wa State Army, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army, the New Mon State Party, and others—but at no point have Burma's ethnic peoples enjoyed real peace and security. Now that most of these ceasefire agreements have collapsed, the ethnic armies have demanded a withdrawal of government troops from their areas and new talks, this time involving an alliance of ethnic forces and leading to a nationwide ceasefire. Preferring to stick to the "divide and rule" tactics of the past, however, the government continues to push for one-on-one negotiations with individual groups. It is deeply distressing for Burma's ethnic peoples to think that their future may look very much like their past, no matter what happens as the country's rulers move to co-opt the opposition. As Moo Kay Paw, a Karen girl living in hiding in the jungle, put it with tears in her eyes: "I don't understand my life sometimes. I ask myself why I was born to live in fear like this. We can be killed at any time, like animals. Why can't we live with dignity, like human beings?" Burmese activists need international support – Nay Twin The Nation (Thailand): Tue 30 Aug 2011 Like others who are under the boots of an oppressive regime, the Burmese people are inspired by victory of arm struggle in Libya, where a longtime dictator has been forcibly removed from power. With the triumph coming remarkably quickly – within six months – many Burmese wonder if they are free, why aren't we. Burma's armed struggle is already sixty years old. What makes these two struggles different? Is it oppression? Is the Burmese regime not as oppressive as Libya's was? Is it passion? Are the Burmese not as brave as Libyans? Is it religion? Is Buddhism not as aggressive as Islam? None is true. No matter what religion, and wherever we are born, we all are equal in our in desire for freedom and dignity. In fact, the Burmese regime is not as rich as Gadhafi's regime, with its oil and gas, and support internally and internationally. Why did it survive? Over sixty years, the Burmese ethnic rebels and democracy dissidents have never received an adequate amount of military support, as the Libyan rebels have now. They have drawn some measure of attention and moral support from the United Nations, US and EU, but this has never been translated into strong action against the regime to give up its power. Several UN resolutions were not binding, while the US and EU now shift to dual policies, with both engagement and sanctions against Burma's regime. Such a mixed approach is not new in Burma's struggle. It was 1988, the historic year, when tens of thousands of students and young democracy activists joined ethnic rebels in the jungles after a non-violent struggle had been aborted by force. Estimates say some 3,000 peaceful demonstrators were killed in the streets and thousands injured – much higher casualties than in any Arab country so far. Their clear mission later was to launch an armed struggle against the regime, with the support of ethnic rebels and international community. At that time, millions of people in the country had momentum to join any kind of struggle for freedom. In such a rare and special movement, the massive democracy movement should have removed the Burmese regime, as we have seen in Libya. Unfortunately the passions of the young students were diluted by non-violent training, which Libya's rebels have never known. Twenty years later, some are assuming themselves as NGOs rather than revolutionaries; the armed struggle is out of date for them. If one argues the nature of armed struggle is full of bloodshed, what about the non-violent movement under a repressive regime as in Burma? The Burmese democracy movement is led by Noble laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, who vows to avoid a vicious cycle of political change through violence. But the regime doesn't care who you are; they always fire whenever unarmed civilians take to the streets. Young students, men, women and children, even Buddhist monks, are brutally killed. The Burmese army is not like the Tunisian army or Egyptian army, who didn't fire at peaceful demonstrators. The Burmese army is more like Gadhafi's mercenaries. The army-backed new government was designed by a rigged election last year. They will shoot civilians if they take to the streets for their basic human rights. The ongoing fighting in the Kachin, Shan and Karen states proves the new government has no political will to compromise with ethnic rebels. There are 2,000 non-violent campaigners still in jails. In ethnic areas, civilians are killed and tortured; girls and women are raped by the regime's army. Hundreds of thousands of refugees, and displaced people have left their homes. Their children cannot go to school. Some 3 or 4 million are struggling outside the country. Many suspect the recent dialogues with Aung San Suu Kyi may not be genuine, as with the old regime when ethnic conflicts and international pressures burdened them – meaning the dialogue will be suspended when they have had enough. A journalist from the Netherlands once told me, "Burmese activists are so diplomatic, Burma needs a decisive leader for revolution." But this time is different. Rebel groups and a new generation are now actively watching the rapid political changes in the Middle East, and are very cautious over the so-called "dialogue" in Burma. If there is no tangible result very soon, it is time for a "Burmese Spring". The scenario of a non-violent movement turning into armed struggle, as we have seen several times since Burma's independence in 1948, will repeat itself. The non-violent and armed movements inevitably must join again. But from lessons learned in the past, any unrealistic tactic will not be popular among Burmese dissidents at this point; and Libya's example has already stuck in their hearts. Burma will regenerate its struggle sooner or later. * Nay Thwin is a Burmese journalist now working for the Democratic Voice of Burma. UN envoy speaks out on Burma's lack of human rights progress Radio Australia: Tue 30 Aug 2011 The UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Burma says there is a contradiction between the promises of reform being made by the government and the reality of the situation. Tomas Ojea Quintana spent five days in Burma, the first time he's been given a visa since February last year. He says there is currently a window of opportunity for change, but thinks there have been few concrete signs of meaningful reform. Mr Quintana once again called for political prisoners to be released and warned any exiles who take up the invitation of the President's invitation to return to the country may face the risk of arbitrary arrest. Presenter: Liam Cochrane Speaker: Tomas Ojea Quintana, UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Burma QUINTANA: The government has taken a number of steps that has in my opinion the potential for the improvement of human rights. The problem is that we need to see concrete actions from the government so that those steps are translated into reality. COCHRANE: And one of the big outstanding issues is political prisoners. Do you believe that we're seeing constructive moves to free political prisoners? QUINTANA: During my five day mission to the country I had several meetings with all authorities concerned; Home Minister first, Minister of Defence, Foreign Minister, even the presidential advisory board. With all of them I called for the release of prisoners trying to make them understand that the whole international community, including the Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr Ban Ki Moon, but also the General Assembly, the Human Rights Council, and even ASEAN members, neighbouring countries from Myanmar have been calling for the release. Now I do not have at the moment any concrete information or sign that the government is willing at this moment to proceed with this international obligation. COCHRANE: You also visited the notorious Insein Prison where many of the political prisoners are held. What were your impressions there? QUINTANA: Yes I met seven prisoners of conscience, all of them according to my opinion. persecuted for just expressing their own ideas. There is one for example who was just incarcerated because they sent a letter to the Secretary General of the United Nations, only for that reason he was put in prison. Let me also tell you about a girl who was also incarcerated just because of the political activities of her father. Her father was also in jail, her brother was also in jail and she was also in jail. These people deserved to be released according to their own human rights and the situation. There are many, many prisoners in Myanmar who deserve at this moment to be released, so this process towards democracy that the government is claiming they are facing, has (to be) real meaningful. COCHRANE: It's been reported that some of the prisoners are used for forced labour for the military, mostly as porters. Was this something that you raised with government officials? QUINTANA: I specifically raised the issue with the Minister of Defence. The government, and in this case the Minister of Defence categorically denied that the military used prisoners and even villagers as porters, and here there is a serious contradiction because my assessment according to information that I have been receiving, is that the government is still using widespread porters across the country. COCHRANE: The Burmese government recently invited exiles to return home, those who had been advocating for democracy outside of the country. Do you believe that they would be at risk of being arrested if they did return? QUINTANA: The situation is that those who at this moment may decide to express their opinions against authorities may face the risk to be arrested arbitrarily. COCHRANE: You were also able to meet with Aung San Suu Kyi this time around. Was she broadly optimistic about the changes that are occurring in the country? QUINTANA: I won't speak on her behalf. My impression is that there is a window of opportunity in the country. The challenge is if this window of opportunity brings real change in the near future, there is not enough time while people are suffering human rights abuses. So this opportunity has to be translated immediately into action. Military factions join opposition to demand amnesty – Ko Htwe Irrawaddy: Mon 29 Aug 2011 Opposition parties within Burma's Parliament hold out some hope that "general amnesty orders" proposed by minority members will be passed, although the matter has been sent to the National Defense and Security Council led by President Thein Sein for more discussion. Thein Nyunt, Rangoon MP for the Lower House, submitted proposals on Thursday that "the Hluttaw (Parliament) requests the president to continue issuing general amnesty orders" and "provide necessary arrangements for submitting a bill for a Prisons Act which is agreeable to the 21st century and guarantees human dignity," according to The Mirror (Kyemon) newspaper. Two delegations from the Burmese Army also support the proposals and urged the new government to set their "comrades" who are serving prison sentences free. Some members from the regime-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) planned to propose a general amnesty for all prisoners, but the USDP remains reluctant to acknowledge the existence of "prisoners of conscience." "I also support the proposals but I do not hold out hope that the government will allow amnesties for political prisoners. In the recent trip of UN Special Envoy Tomas Ojea Quintana, they refused again to admit that there are any political prisoners," said an MP from the Lower House who asked to remain anonymous. During his trip to Burma, Quintana met with several top officials in the capital of Naypyidaw. Upper House Speaker Khin Aung Myint recently said that political prisoners would be released when it is certain doing so would not disrupt the nation's peace and stability. However, "I don't want to urge the government to allow an amnesty or otherwise. I'm hoping patiently although it may take a long time," said Thein Nyunt. Burmese Army delegates encouraging general amnesty orders clearly shows that the power shift between the military and Parliament has become more intense since Thein Sein's adoption of his political role, claim observers. Htay Aung, a Burmese military researcher, said that he is surprised that two army delegations support the amnesty, and that the self interest amongst government groups and within Parliament can now be clearly seen. "The emergence of state and region ministers—some of them former military commander-in-chiefs—have blocked the authority of the current commander-in-chiefs of the regions. Recently, the duties of some commander-in-chiefs have been suspended in relation to the ministers for those particular states and regions. They see movements against each other in the measures taking place," said Htay Aung. The two delegations are expected to be referring to ex-spy chief Gen Khin Nyunt and his officers who were arrested in late 2004 and are currently serving prison sentences, he added. The Constitution guarantees the army one quarter of parliamentary seats. Low-ranking officers fill 25 percent of seats reserved for the military in the country's national, state and regional legislatures. Under Burma's 2008 Constitution, 110 seats in the Lower House of the Union Parliament, 56 in the Upper House and 222 in the State and Regional Parliaments are reserved for military appointees selected by the country's armed forces chief. Burma's second parliamentary session convened in Naypyidaw last week. The second session of Burma's Union Parliament included representatives of both the Upper and Lower Houses. The first session of Burma's Parliament convened for the first time in 22 years on Jan. 31. Construction of China-Myanmar railway could start in December Deustche Press Agentur: Mon 29 Aug 2011 Naypyitaw, Myanmar – Construction on a 20-billion-dollar rail link between the Myanmar's Chinese border and its western coast could begin as early as December, officials said Monday. 'We will start the construction of Muse-Kyauk Phyu railroad in the coming December if detailed discussions on the agreement are completed,' Myanmar Railway Transportation Minister Aung Min said. The railroad would start at the Shan State's border town of Muse in the north-east and span 800 kilometres across the country to end up at the Rakhine state's port city of Kyauk Phyu on the Bay of Bengal. 'The whole project will take five years and cost about 20 billion US dollars. China will bear the cost and the agreement will be based on BOT (build, operate and transfer) for 50 years,' Aung Min told the German Press Agency dpa. The electric trains will be capable of travelling at speeds of up to 200 kilometres per hour and of carrying 4,000 tons of goods. 'China will use this railroad to transport goods from Kyauk Phyu port to its capital Beijing and other cities via Ruli and Kunming,' Aung Min said. 'Their ships will no longer need to sail through Malaca strait.' China also has made plans to build a pipeline along the same route as the railway to carry natural gas to Yunnan, southern China. Myanmar's Rail Transportation Ministry and China's Railways Engineering Corporation signed a memorandum of understanding in April to jointly develop the China-Myanmar railway. The project has raised concern among human rights groups. 'The railroad will pass though parts of the Shan state that are still contested,' said David Mathieson, Myanmar expert for Human Rights Watch. 'But I'm more concerned about the security corridor attached to such projects, which have a past record for human rights abuses such as forced labour and land confiscation.' Economic forum shows challenges for govt – Sandar Lwin Myanmar Times: Mon 29 Aug 2011 IT was hidden near the end. A little tip – or perhaps a warning – for those gathered at the Myanmar International Convention Centre in Nay Pyi Taw last weekend for the National Workshop on Reforms for National Economic Development. "In the reform of macroeconomic policies, there might be situations of sacrifices so as to achieve better results for the people and that we need to prepare in our mind for it. Scholars and officials concerned are also to focus on flexibility and correct ratio of policy reforms in pursuing mixture of macroeconomic policies," President U Thein Sein said in his opening speech on August 19. It was another reminder that for every progressive pushing for change, there's likely to be a reactionary doing their best to stymie reform. The three-day workshop was an attempt to kick-start the process of reform in an economic landscape dominated by state-run enterprises and business conglomerates run by tycoons close to members of the government. To develop a cohesive strategy on how best to proceed, the government invited scholars, including members of the presidential advisory board and government departments, to present 25 papers. These covered various topics, including "Analysis of Myanmar's Budget" by U San Thein, "ASEAN Economic Community in 2015: Opportunities and Challenges for Late Entrances" by Dr Zaw Oo, "Reforming Government-Business Relations in Myanmar" by Dr Kyaw Yin Hlaing, "Myanmar and the political Economy of Development" by Dr Tin Maung Maung Than, and "The Green Economy and Green Development" by Dr Khin Maung Lwin. It was similar in nature to the national-level forum on Rural Development and Poverty Alleviation held in June, from which, the government said, an action plan with eight priority tasks had been identified. However, one significant difference was the attendance last week of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who listened to two presentations, including "Implementing the compete economic atmosphere for developing the private sector" by U Win Aung, chairman of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry, on August 20. "I'm glad to be able to come and attend this forum. [Presidential adviser] U Myint invited me to come. I'm also satisfied with this seminar because I'm interested in the country's economic development very much," Daw Aung San Suu Kyi told The Myanmar Times. On August 19, she met with President U Thein Sein and both sides agreed "to cooperate for the national interest", state media reported. The state-run New Light of Myanmar reported they "tried to find out potential common grounds to cooperate in the interests of the nation and the people putting aside different views". While no "priority tasks" on economic reform have been announced following the workshop, there is a sense of expectation among not only the business community but the country as a whole that reform measures will be adopted, in line with the president's inaugural speech. One attendee of the forum with a background in the financial sector said there were "open and energetic" discussions. "I was satisfied to see that and got the view that there will be real reform in the country, although the speed [of implementation] is another matter," said the retired government official. In his opening address on August 19, President U Thein Sein also raised the issue of preparation for entry into the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) and ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). "Our country is working in cooperation with the AFTA and a common goal has been set up to create AEC by 2015 … I would remind that the private sector know those measures and pressure itself for opportunities," he said. Noticeably, President U Thein Sein also acknowledged the weaknesses of the bureaucracy and the current regulatory and policy structure in encouraging a vibrant and innovative private sector. "To ensure there is no government failure, we need to promote quality of management in putting macroeconomic policies into practice and distributing resources, and have to avoid coordination failure, top down and corruption," the president said. "Although we are decreasing the role of the government [in the economy], the government departments need to have increased efficiency and effectiveness. "We can achieve proper, fair and promising environment in the market if the economic structure is ethical, accountable and proper and disciplinary environment. We need to have flexibly operative and moderately competitive market economic system to create innovative, modern and systematic private sector." While he didn't address Myanmar specifically, U Myint touched on a similar topic to President U Thein Sein with his paper, "Corruption: Causes, Consequences and Cures". "Under a corrupt system, the privileged and the well-connected enjoy economic rent," U Myint wrote. "As such, there is a tendency for wealth to concentrate in the hands of a tiny minority of the population. Income distribution, therefore, becomes highly uneven. In addition, the burden of corruption falls more heavily on the poor." He suggested several remedial measures to tackle corruption, including strong leaders who set an example for others to follow. "Since fighting corruption will involve taking difficult decisions, the leadership must also display firmness, political will and commitment to carry out the required reforms." While questions have been raised about the political will of President U Thein Sein and members of his government, support came from a surprising quarter last week. Shortly after meeting Mr Tomas Ojea Quintana, the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, on August 24, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi told reporters she believed the president genuinely wanted to introduce reform. "From my point of view," she said, "I think the president wants to achieve real positive change." Exiles put forward 'benchmarks' for Burma's government Mizzima News: Mon 29 Aug 2011 New Delhi – Burmese democracy activists in exile say they do not see the on-going interactions between Aung San Suu Kyi and the Burmese government as a "dialogue" but rather as "talks." Speaking at a seminar on "Democratization and Reconciliation: Burma at the Crossroads," the activists put forward three key benchmarks if Burma is to see real democratization. "The release of 2,000 political prisoners, stopping the attacks against ethnic nationalities and holding an inclusive dialogue are the three benchmarks necessary for democratization and reconciliation in Burma," said Khin Ohmar, a representative of the Thailand-based Forum for Democracy in Burma. Supporting the call of the country's armed ethnic groups for a nation-wide cease-fire, Khin Ohmar said Burma continues to witness widespread human rights violations. "We call for establishing a 'Commission of Inquiry' as a way of 'truth seeking' and this has already been called for by three successive UN Special Rapporteurs on Human Rights in Burma, including Tomas Ojea Quintana who made the five-day visit to Burma ending on 25 August." Questioning whether recent developments in Burma, such as the release of Burma's opposition leader Suu Kyi from house arrest in November and the Burmese President Thein Sein meeting with her represents a "real democratization process," the activists said Burma needs a genuine political dialogue for peace. "They seem not to be coming out for a real change. It seems the Burmese government is in total disarray," said Nyo Ohn Myint, a leader of National League for Demcoracy (Liberated Area) based in Thailand. Conference on Democratization and Reconciliation: Burma At Crossroads at the India International Center, New Delhi, on Saturday, August 27, 2011 Shirley Seng of the Kachin Women's Association-Thailand highlighted the on-going abuses by the Burmese military in the ethnic minority areas and the coming together of ethnic armed groups including the Karen, Kachin, Mon, Shan and Chin under the banner of the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) in February 2010. "We, ethnic nationalities, want to live together within the Union provided that we have our own rights guaranteed. We work together with Aung San Suu Kyi and the democracy movement for a peaceful reconciliation," Shirley Seng said in her discussion. She noted that the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) had attempted several times since 1963 to open a dialogue with successive ruling military regimes in Burma, including during the 1994 cease-fire agreement, however all had failed because the central government was not interested in a "genuine political dialogue." The three-member delegation from Thailand-based Burmese activists is presently on a political tour to India to interact and meet with different sections of society including Indian members of Parliament and political parties. Focusing on India, the world's largest democracy and Burma's neighbour, the Burmese activists at the seminar asked the Indian government to develop a pro-active Burma policy in support of democratization and reconciliation in Burma. "India should impose an arms embargo against Burma, support the refugees and support the call for establishing a Commission of Inquiry (COI)," said Khin Ohmar, who noted that no Asian country has supported the call for a COI in Burma. Sixteen countries including Australia, Ireland and the United States have called for a COI. Dr. Baladas Goshal, a senior researcher at New Delhi's Centre for Policy Research, who supported the activists call for the release of political prisoners and respect for human rights, added that there needs to be two "legitimate forces" for a reconciliation to happen. "In Burma, both sides (the opposition movement and the Burmese regime) need to recognize each other," Goshal said. "Aung San Suu Kyi should not now insist on the 1990 election results. She now leads as a moderator and can reform the regime through a national reconciliation process," he said. "The Western countries should lift the sanctions with certain conditions, for example, the release of political prisoners." Ghoshal and others highlighted the need for Burma to rebuild institutions that have been broken down since the military took power in 1962. "Education needs to be revived. And India, through soft power, can play a role," Baladas Goshal said. C.S. Kuppuswamy, representing the South Asia Analysis Group said, "Democratization and reconciliation have to come together. Ethnic issues have to be brought in to the democratic dialogue as well. This process (of democratization and reconciliation) will take longer than it took in Indonesia." Indian observers agreed that Suu Kyi was the only leader who enjoyed widespread support across the stakeholders in the country, and the exiled democracy movement also should look at "how best to use the kind of space they have now." "The current situation needs to be looked at with hope for the future," said Dr. K Yhome, a research fellow at the New Delhi-based Observer Research Foundation. Raising important questions for the Burmese democracy movements, several academics pointed out that the "opposition movement" in Burma needs to look at the past and agree on a common vision for the future of Burma, saying that the West has practiced hypocrisy in various policies. "When we talk of conflict in the ethnic areas, we need to look at the political economy of those areas. Were there any colonial roots in the conflicts," said Dr. Vinay Lal, a professor of history at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA). "When the Burmese (activists) refer to the term 'international community,' which countries do they refer to? When we think of why India should be thinking more about Burmese support, we need also to think about the shared civilization and political and historical ties between Burma and India," he said. "The democracy movement needs to look at its own credentials. It has to come up with a common vision. Since Burma is behind 60 to 70 years compared to other countries, it is fortunate to have an opportunity not to go through the same (routes) that others had. It [the movement] should re-imagine what it wants," said Satya Sivaraman, a veteran Indian journalist. Indian observers encouraged the Burmese democracy movement not to loose sight of the recent developments in the country, especially in the light of direct meetings and talks between the General-Secretary of National League for Democracy Suu Kyi and the President Thein Sein-led government. "Yes they are talking now, not in a 'dialogue.' But you can persist in the talks that could lead to a dialogue. This could offer an opportunity to Aung San Suu Kyi (and the movement)," said B.G. Verghese, a keen observer on Burma and a veteran Indian journalist. He also suggested that there should be "multiple dialogues" in all sections including parliamentarians and civil society groups to strengthen capacity building. "India does talk privately to the regime about democratization and national reconciliation in Burma. After all, more than 400,000 Indians, many of them stateless, are living in Burma," he said. The other side of Suu Kyi's life Bangkok Post: Mon 29 Aug 2011 There's no doubt that the newly freed Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi holds the world's attention. While a lot has been written about her political struggles, not much is known about her personal problems, and the price she had to pay for choosing country over family. Not much is also known of the important role played by her British husband, Dr Michael Aris, even while he lived, and then died, away from the woman he met and married when they were students at Oxford University. A new documentary, Aung San Suu Kyi _ Lady of No Fear, made after years of research by Danish film-maker Anne Gyrithe Bonne, will now have an exclusive screening on Sept 6 at the Foreign Correspondents' Club of Thailand. Here's an excerpt from an interview with the director: What got you interested in Aung San Suu Kyi? I have always been focusing on people who were living on the edge and who paid a high price for it. My last documentary, The Will to Live, was shot during the event of Sept 11. I loved the idea of Aung San Suu Kyi struggling against the junta, and never giving up her ideas of non-violence and reconciliation. When I started the film, she was totally isolated, with no news about her, which is why I thought this film would put the focus on her. Did you deliberately focus on her personal life, as it has never been portrayed before? I thought it would be interesting to go beneath the surface. I wanted to see her similarities with other women _ how we fight for our identity being daughters, wives, mothers. These are values that women share all over the world, and the price we often pay. Was it easy to get in touch with her family abroad? Not at all. For a long time I spoke on the phone, with a mutual Danish friend of theirs. In 2008, I met Lucinda Philips, wife of Michael's brother Anthony. She spoke of the sadness of the family when Michael died and how she and her husband took care of Suu Kyi's sons. She told me that the family was not allowed to talk to any journalist, as Suu Kyi didn't want her private life to be publicised. I did not push, but step by step, they gave me pictures and papers, which helped me to create this film. Lady Gore Booth, Suu Kyi's second "mother", agreed to meet me, after one-and-a-half years. She said she was worried about her, as she had no news about her, and thought this film would help to draw attention to her. What was the best part of the research, and what was the toughest? The best part was meeting Michael's family for the first time. I saw all the drawings and paintings of the young Suu Kyi, of her husband Michael, his twin brother Anthony, and suddenly I felt I was a part of them. The toughest part was going to Burma alone, without any contacts, except those on the internet. I thought a lot of Aung San Suu Kyi being isolated behind the fence and being so strong, and slowly I overcame my own fear. Did you change the ending of the film, when Suu Kyi was released? Yes, the original film ended with the obituary speech of her son at his father's funeral. But when the film was screened in Berlin, she was released, and so I included the shots of her joyful homecoming with the Burmese crowds, and a speech at an HIV Aids Centre. So, you have not personally met Aung San Suu Kyi ? No, I have not. I would love to meet her, not for an interview, but just to talk. However, I'm willing to wait, till she has fully reconciled with her past. Aung San Suu Kyi _ Lady of No Fear will be screened at the Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand (FCCT ), on Sept 6 at 8pm. It will be followed by a Q&A with the director. Burmese wary of 'democracy,' after decades of oppression New York Times: Fri 26 Aug 2011 YANGON, Myanmar — Five months after a nominally civilian government took power in Myanmar, the country is awash in uncertainty about who is really in charge. Workers have taken down the once-ubiquitous portraits of Senior Gen. Than Shwe, the dictator who ran the country for nearly two decades, from the walls of government offices. But rumors circulate here that General Than Shwe, who stepped down in March, still has the final word on important decisions. An impoverished population, downtrodden by decades of military rule, is parsing a raft of initiatives by the new government and trying to understand whether the country's transition from military dictatorship to what the state news media describe as "discipline flourishing democracy" is real. Like the biblical Thomas, they seem to want more proof. "As far as I can see, there has been no change," said U San Shwe, a retired civil servant whose comments typify the skepticism heard frequently in Myanmar. "The new government consists of former generals who have habits that they can't break. They are accustomed to taking bribes, mistreating people and making a lot of money from their positions. They confiscate things, and no one can complain." Trying to guess the direction of this country has, in the past, been a fool's errand. Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, has zigzagged from paranoid isolation under military rule to flirtations with openness. It seems propelled by the competing impulses of conservatives and reformers within the military. In recent weeks there have been signs that reformers, led by Thein Sein, a former general who was elected president in February, have the upper hand. The government has proposed peace talks with armed rebel groups that are battling the military for control over resources and for more autonomy. Officials have met three times in the last month with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the country's leading dissident, who was released from house arrest in November. Other changes have been more symbolic. The state-run newspapers are refraining from publishing slogans like "Riots beget riots, not democracy." The government has also allowed publications that do not deal with politics or history to publish without prior censorship. (Any newspaper articles that touch on politics must still be submitted to a censorship board.) The bar for freedom of expression is set so low here that journalists rejoiced when it was announced that they would be allowed into Parliament for its current session, which began Monday. Amid the tumult of transition, some economic changes have been very substantive. But their benefits to ordinary citizens remain unclear. A major privatization program initiated last year is transforming an economy that was so heavily controlled by the state that it could have been designed by Lenin himself. Scores of state-owned factories, government buildings and companies have been sold off. The local currency, the kyat, has soared in value against the dollar — in part, analysts believe, because money has poured in to pay for assets in the government's fire sale. The transactions were done without public tender, and most assets were sold to a handful of government favorites. "There are great opportunities — but only for the cronies. It's like Russia," said U Soe Than, the owner of a shop for cellphones and digital music players imported from China. Mr. Soe Than has firsthand experience dealing with the new government. When the government sold a department store in Yangon, the wealthy Myanmar businessman who purchased the building ordered all of its tenants, including Mr. Soe Than, to leave within weeks. Mr. Soe Than helped write 18 letters to officials to petition for redress. All of them went unanswered. But when the story got into Myanmar's exile media based in Thailand and India, it caught the ear of officials in Naypyidaw, Myanmar's capital. Mr. Soe Than says he is now slightly more hopeful that shop owners will be compensated. "Things have improved a little bit," he said. Whether an economy controlled by cronies is better than the state-run system is a point of debate among analysts of the country. Similarly tainted privatization campaigns in the Middle East created deep resentments that a decade or so later helped fuel revolts this year in Tunisia, Egypt and Syria. Yet poor economic prospects have been as debilitating for the Burmese as political repression — if not more. There have been some signs of economic revival: the number of tourists was up 23 percent in the first half of 2011, and hotels in Yangon brim with business travelers, many of them from China, Japan and South Korea. Last week, The New Light of Myanmar, a state-owned newspaper, highlighted a meeting between government officials and executives from Caterpillar, the giant producer of construction and mining equipment that is based in the United States. United States and European sanctions have made it difficult for many multinational companies to operate in Myanmar, but the government appears to be working vigorously to get the measures lifted. Officials from the International Monetary Fund have been invited for meetings in October to discuss further economic liberalization. And the government has started a charm offensive with Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi, who has great leverage on the issue of sanctions. Last week, the government invited her for the first time to the capital, where she met with Mr. Thein Sein, the president. As an Oxford-educated 1991 Nobel Peace laureate and the daughter of Myanmar's independence hero, Aung San, Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi is perhaps the premier interlocutor between Myanmar and the outside world. She has not fully enunciated her goals since her release from house arrest, but those who have watched her closely believe that she has aspirations well beyond being a mere symbol of national unity. "I always thought that her ambitions were higher than a 'mother' figure," said Josef Silverstein, a Myanmar specialist and professor emeritus at Rutgers University in New Jersey. Whether reconciliation between Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi and the former generals is possible remains a question mark hanging over the future. Yet the political situation is only one part of the enormous challenge facing Myanmar's 55 million people. The decades of military rule and the generals' single-minded obsession with political survival have left the country's health and education systems a shambles. A generation of students has been forgotten, said U Thiha, who runs a computer programming school in Yangon. He has been frustrated in his search for the best young minds for courses. "My students were not well trained at university," he said. "They don't have enough knowledge. They are not eager. And over the past 20 years, there have been no activities to test and challenge them." Naypyitaw launches "peace" blitz Shan Herald Agency for News: Fri 26 Aug 2011 The embattled Shan State Progress Party / Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA), for the third time since the military campaign against it began in March, has been contacted by Burmese authorities to negotiate for peace, according to SSA sources. "One thing that sets it apart from previous approaches is that this time the offer comes from the Shan State Government, and not Naypyitaw or the Burma Army," and said Maj Sai La, the SSA spokesman, who added that he was still waiting for further details. According to other reports, Mon, Karen and Kayah (Karenni) state governments have also sent members of the religious order to get in touch with armed resistance movements in each state. The latest move followed the 18 August announcement by Naypyitaw inviting "national race armed groups wishing to make peace" to peace talks. According to Myanmar News Agency, the People's Assembly has also appointed U Thein Zaw, a former general and a Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) MP, as chairman of the National Race and Internal Peacemaking Committee. His counterpart in the National Assembly is U San Tun, another USDP member. However, according to Khonumthung News, no other committee members have been appointed so far. Col Sai Htoo, the SSPP's Assistant Secretary General #2, maintained that the group, as a key member of the newly formed United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), is against Naypyitaw's policy to hold "group-wise" peace parleys. "It is time President Thein Sein talked to the UNFC directly," he said. Others pointed out that throughout the 63 years after Independence, successive governments had employed the strategy of negotiating with individual groups instead of their alliance. "If it had worked, we wouldn't be fighting today," said a politician, who requested anonymity. "It's time we gave their alliance a chance." One stumbling block to the expected talks however is that while Naypyitaw insists on holding talks on the basis of 2008 constitution, the alliances particularly the UNFC says the basis must be the 1947 Panglong Agreement that had guaranteed autonomy, democracy and human rights for the non-Burman states. Another snag is the vague wording of the 18 August announcement which urges armed groups "wishing to make peace" to contact State or Region government concerned in order "to launch preliminary programmes" upon completion of which, the government will form a team for peace talks. So far, no group has been able to explain what the "preliminary programmes" entail. "The regime needs to make itself clear about this," commented Col Okker, leader of the PaO National Liberation Organization, another UNFC member. Advisor: govt to form rights committee – Ahunt Phone Myat Democratic Voice of Burma: Fri 26 Aug 2011 An advisor to President Thein Sein, Dr Nay Zin Latt has said the government is to form a national-level, independent human rights committee to handle human rights issues in the country, but doubts remain about a future body's autonomy. Dr Nay Zin Latt, after meeting with UN Human Rights Rapporteur Thomas Ojea Quintana, told DVB that a constitution is being drawn up for the committee and will likely be announced in the near future; "The President has told us to work on this since some time ago and we are currently working on it. Actually, we had groups like this in the past but they were not properly organised," said Nay Zin Latt. "This time, we are forming a committee that is capable of working on a broad range of human rights issues." "You will see an organisation that is free from government's influence and is capable of working independently," he claimed. Despite that Nay Zin Latt refused to disclose who would be on the committee. The National League for Democracy's (NLD) spokesperson and lawyer Nyan Win, however, said he was doubtful about the potential committee's autonomy; "If the [committee] is to be independent, then the government shouldn't get involved – otherwise there will be limitations. It sounds like there will be improvements in the new committee than the previous one. But I'm still doubtful whether it would really be independent or not," said Nyan Win. "It is not likely that a few independent individuals would be able to protect our human rights. It would be more meaningful if they included more outside individuals to work together with government departments in forming the committee because otherwise these departments could collude – so we have to look at it from both sides." "Personally I'd prefer an organisation formed with independent and credible individuals," he added. Both Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International are not allowed to work officially inside Burma. Such groups have claimed that a UN commission of inquiry is necessary following years of alleged abuses by the government. Such a suggestion needless to say is rejected out of hand by the government. Human Rights Watch voiced concerns that practices such as forced portering and using convicts as porters are continuing apace under the new regime. A report they penned indeed alleged that in January of this year alone some 700 convicts had been press ganged into the dangerous job of slave portering in war torn Karen state. Whilst the issue of autonomy for any institution is problematic in the current political climate, with parliament filled with the ranks of the military. Survival steers Myanmar generals towards reform – Martin Petty Reuters: Fri 26 Aug 2011 Bangkok – Rare overtures by Myanmar's reclusive, authoritarian rulers toward liberalization and reform suggest change could be afoot in the isolated nation. The sudden stream of conciliatory gestures by Myanmar's new civilian government has raised questions about the motives of the generals who only five months ago controlled one of the world's most secretive, corrupt and oppressive regimes. Diplomats, political analysts and many Burmese interviewed inside Myanmar say the retired generals brought back to power after a controversial election last year now appear to realize some moves toward reform could be the key to their survival. Last week, President Thein Sein held an official meeting with and Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel Peace Prize winning democracy advocate who was detained for 15 years until released from house arrest last year. The meeting was welcomed by the international community, but widely regarded as theater. Western sanctions in place since the military crushed a 1988 student uprising have isolated Myanmar's army dictatorships and continue to frustrate the new government, but there are no signs these will be lifted until there are concrete reforms, in particular, the release of an estimated 2,100 political prisoners. "What seems to be happening is that the regime is seeking to make itself appear legitimate, a genuine and emerging democracy," said Michael Charney, a Myanmar expert at London's School of Oriental and Africa Studies. "I don't see any of this as a positive step forward for democracy, but instead as a means of cementing in place the positions of the families who currently hold power over the country with a view toward long-term control." The process of consolidating political power began long ago but accelerated in late 2009 when hundreds of state assets were auctioned off as part of an opaque privatization boom in which cronies of the then-military junta snapped up lucrative contracts, business monopolies and property. The sell-off preceded a carefully choreographed election in November that was won by a military-backed party. Thein Sein, the fourth in command of the former ruling military body, was chosen by parliament to become head of state. He hand-picked his own ministers. PARIAH STATUS The election and privatization created a veneer of democracy and liberalization in the former British colony also known as Burma, ensuring power, wealth and patronage was concentrated in the hands of a military-linked establishment, as previously seen in Indonesia and as now entrenched in neighboring Thailand, where politics, business and the army are closely intertwined. But despite those changes, Myanmar remains an international pariah, entangled in Western sanctions that restrict and stigmatize the country's elite. Experts suggest those tycoons may have leaned on the government to talk up reforms, engage with Suu Kyi and to try to appear more transparent and tolerant. Western governments are watching, along with multinational companies, some of which have privately lobbied for an end to sanctions on the impoverished country of 50 million people, which is rich in natural gas, timber and gemstones and nestled strategically between economic powerhouses India and China. Recent overtures include calls for peace with armed ethnic separatists, presidential meetings with technocrats and foreign delegations, some tolerance of criticism, and the involvement of Suu Kyi in consultations about reconciliation and reform. In one gesture, Myanmar's state-run newspapers last week dropped back-page banners attacking Western media. Three official newspapers dropped half-page slogans that had been running daily accusing the Voice of America (VOA) and the British Broadcasting Corp (BBC) of "sowing hatred among the people," and other Western media of "generating public outrage." Yangon-based diplomats have expressed surprise at the government's apparent change in tone but want to see more substantial progress. "So far, so good," said one Western diplomat. "I'm guardedly optimistic about further progress, but let's wait and see." The mood is similar among parliamentarians. "Lawmakers, regardless of their party or background, have become more optimistic about the situation than before," said Aye Maung, a senator and leader of the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party. It is unclear whether Thein Sein is making the changes on his own or doing so at the request of Than Shwe, his political master and the country's much-feared former strongman, whose orders are rarely defied. Britain's Foreign Office praised the meeting with Suu Kyi as encouraging. Washington said it supported Suu Kyi's decision to engage in "open and transparent dialogue." U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon went further, saying: "it is in the national interest that they seize the opportunity to extend and accept conciliatory gestures." PUSH FOR ACCEPTANCE Win Min, a Burmese political scientist at Harvard University, said he believed Myanmar's new government was trying to convince the 10-member Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) to allow it to take its rotating presidency in 2014, two years ahead of schedule and a year before a general election the government does not want to lose. The government, he said, saw hosting ASEAN as "crucial" because it would represent a degree of international acceptance that could lead to A reduction of sanctions and the possibility of aid from international financial organizations. Myanmar has invited a delegation from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to visit in October to advise policymakers on how to tackle problems with the kyat currency, which has appreciated 20 percent in a year, hurting farmers and exporters and bankrupting businesses. After months of inaction and simmering anger, the government last month cut taxes for exporters and has promised agriculture loans and price guarantees for millions of farmers, suggesting it may be concerned that any mishandling of bread and butter issues could see a repeat of bloody uprisings in 1988 and 2007 that were sparked by soaring inflation and fuel prices. David Steinberg, a veteran Myanmar analyst at Georgetown University in Washington said the lack of substantive concessions, especially political prisoners, meant real reforms or any undoing of sanctions would not come soon. But he said the gestures were important indicators, and the government should be given the chance to prove itself. "We're seeing the possibility of change, things we've not seen before," he said. "There's a lot of disagreement from those who think this is phony change. It might be phony, but we should at least be open to the possibility some of it could be real." (Additional reporting Aung Hla Tun in Naypyitaw; Editing by Jason Szep and Miral Fahmy) Man with the plan in Myanmar – Shawn W Crispin Asia Times: Fri 26 Aug 2011 Chiang Mai – When Myanmar President Thein Sein made his ground-breaking March 30 inaugural address, where the former military general made an unprecedented call for good governance and counter-corruption reforms, the text of the speech was lifted from an op-ed published a month before in the local The Voice weekly newspaper. The author of the piece, Nay Win Maung, a policy wonk, journalist and outspoken advocate for reform, is in many ways at the forefront of Myanmar's still uncertain transition from military to democratic rule. People familiar with the copy flow say he has ghostwritten much of Thein Sein's reform script, including cues for his pro-democracy speech to parliament this week, as well as his high-profile conciliatory meeting last week with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Nay Win Maung's non-governmental organization (NGO), Egress, has submitted over 200 policy papers to the previous and current governments, including instructional blueprints on how to make the transition from military to civilian rule. Since last year's general election, he says he has sent policy advice through a secret police channel to Thein Sein's "West Wing" at Naypyidaw, Myanmar's newly built reclusive capital. "Things are getting better," Nay Win Maung said in a recent interview in the northern Thai city of Chiang Mai, where he was delivering a lecture to ethnic minorities about their rights under the 2008 constitution. "We have received a lot of requests for policy papers from the president. We're in a position to shape the new government's policy agenda," he said. To his proponents, Nay Win Maung represents a hopeful "Third Force" to break the decades-old political impasse between Myanmar's military generals and the Aung San Suu Kyi-led political opposition. He has emerged as the darling of European diplomats, international aid groups and humanitarian dialogue outfits keen to work for change and reconciliation from inside Myanmar, one of Asia's poorest and most isolated countries. To his critics, he is an apologist for military-led incremental change and front man for plans presented as economic reform to privatize and redistribute the country's riches among a narrow military-linked elite – of which, they say, Nay Win Maung is part and parcel. Others see his Egress as a military-built "Trojan Horse" among unsuspecting European donors who believe they are supporting organic democratic change from within, but in the process are being hoodwinked into abandoning their commitments to pro-democracy groups in exile. "It's a conditional reform process that comes at the expense of people who should be involved," says David Mathieson, Human Rights Watch's Myanmar researcher, referring to the 2,100 political prisoners still held behind bars. "Myanmar needs more pluralism, more voices and more debate, but in large part Egress has a monopoly on the discussion … Nay Win Maung is not pushing for more people to be involved, and it is one of his shortcomings." To Nay Win Maung, Myanmar's malaise is more a problem of economic mismanagement than political participation. Several of his policy proposals, he says, emphasize the need to break from personalized official decision-making and move towards more institutionalized, technocratic policy-making, concepts he honed while studying as a visiting world fellow at Yale University in 2004. His Yale bio says, "Trained as a medical doctor, Maung now sees himself as a policy critic and leading advocate for economic and political reform in Myanmar." He's also taken academic interest in the country's international affairs. In one recent paper, he claims to have proposed a way ahead for bilateral relations with the United States, which maintains punitive economic and financial sanctions against the military regime and its business associates. As a gesture of goodwill, he suggested that military leaders should have signaled to Washington a week in advance, rather than springing as a surprise, its plan to release Suu Kyi from house arrest after last year's elections. Slow and gradual Nay Win Maung's views on the need for gradual rather than big-bang change have won him proponents among certain Western governments. Many of them carp about the slow pace of reform, Suu Kyi's perceived abstinence to compromise, and the ineffectiveness of the opposition in exile. Egress has emerged as the primary channel for their redirected donations, and currently reportedly receives funding and support from the United Kingdom's DFID, Sweden's SIDA and Germany's Freidrich Ebert Stiftung Foundation, among others. Registered as a non-profit organization, Egress now operates on a US$1 million annual budget, according to Nay Win Maung. The organization is divided into training and research units that often invite foreign academics, including Westerners from the National University of Singapore, to give (somewhat ironically) seminars and training on civil society. The outfit also specializes in journalist training, notably in one of the world's most censored and repressed media environments. Others wonder whether Nay Win Maung is the free thinker he portrays, or rather a slick, foreign-friendly spokesman for the old military order and its desire to be removed from Western sanctions lists. Egress is backed by the Myanmar Chamber of Commerce (MCC), which helped to first initiate the organization. Until recently the MCC was led by Win Myint, a military-linked businessman blacklisted by the European Union, and is included on the US's sanctions list due to its association with the previous Than Shwe-led junta. Exile media groups, meanwhile, point suspiciously to the preference and privilege Nay Win Maung and Egress appear to receive from authorities, noting that he is free to travel outside of the country without restriction and is often willingly quoted in the foreign media without fear of government reprisal while their in-country reporters operate from underground or are in prison. "He's being used by both sides, diplomats and the government," says a Yangon-based journalist who claims to know him well. "He tells the government 'I'll convince the international community the elections were credible.' He tells the diplomats 'I am your connection to the new era opening in the country.' … I think he's misrepresenting the story to both sides." Nay Win Maung chalks up his special position – or "safety net", as he puts it – to his family's military pedigree. His father and mother both served as professors at Myanmar's equivalent of the US's West Point Academy and several of his father's students have risen to high military ranks. Nay Win Maung recalls many of them, including current President Thein Sein and Lower House speaker Thura Shwe Mann, visiting his family home when he was young. Despite that top brass familiarity, Nay Win Maung claims to be walking on a razor's edge in his push for reform. Since 2004, government agents have twice searched his home over articles that appeared in his newspaper, including one that suggested the military should be under civilian government control. Between 2000-2004, he says he tried without success to get a proper newspaper publishing license because he was reportedly on a government "blacklist". Before that, he helped to establish the Living Color news magazine with Ye Naing Win, son of former intelligence chief and prime minister Gen Khin Nyunt, who was overthrown in a 2004 intra-military purge. His The Voice newspaper has been suspended by government censors on at least 10 occasions, most recently last year for publishing an unsanctioned photo of Suu Kyi on its front page. While such claims of personal repression give him street credibility with democracy-promoting Western donors, Nay Win Maung believes there is new space for constructive criticism only for those who uphold the 2008 constitution and the legitimacy of regime-led – rather than revolutionary – political change. He speaks openly about the corruption that plagued the outgoing junta, which he attributes to the unchecked discretionary powers of certain wayward military officials. However, he saves his sharpest criticism for exile media and activists, who he readily portrays as increasingly irrelevant and out of touch with the country's new dynamic. He says those who believe that regime change through social upheaval, as attempted during the 2007 "Saffron" revolution, can instantly achieve democracy have an "overly simplistic" view of how such transitions have worked throughout history. "They think if you just give power to the Lady [Suu Kyi], everything will be fine," he said. "I label them as naive. You need capacity-building before you can have democracy." Tongue in cheek, he suggests that those dissidents who favor regime change through upheaval could be held in an "air-conditioned prison hotel" on the outskirts of Yangon, where they would be free to meet with foreigners and others operating on the "periphery" of the change underway in Myanmar. That said, Nay Win Maung is not naive enough to believe recent incremental changes are irreversible. He contends that Thein Sein's reform drive is already being challenged by military hardliners who are loathe to accept reforms that will narrow their past discretionary powers and special privileges. "Thein Sein means change," says Nay Win Maung, "but it's just as likely the situation ends in a military coup." * Shawn W Crispin is Asia Times Online's Southeast Asia Editor. Myanmar human rights challenges remain, UN envoy says Deutsche Press Agentur: Thu 25 Aug 2011 Yangon – The new Myanmar government's human rights challenges remain despite recent steps towards rapprochement with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, the United Nations human rights envoy for the country said Thursday. 'The new government has made some positive steps but the challenges for human rights remain,' visiting UN human rights envoy for Myanmar Tomas Ojea Quintana said in Yangon after completing a five-day assessment tour of the country, long deemed a pariah state in the West for its poor human rights performance. Quintana's visit came at a time of an apparent thaw in relations between opposition leader Suu Kyi and the pro-military government. On Friday, for the first time, Suu Kyi was invited to the capital in Naypyitaw for private talks with the new government's President Thein Sein. 'This is a big moment in Myanmar history, and there are rare opportunities for positive and meaningful developments to improve the human rights situation and bring about a transition to genuine democracy,' Quintana said in a press conference at Yangon Airport before his departure. He urged the international community to remain engaged with the country, which has been under military rule since 1962, until a general election on November 7 brought a new pro-military government to power. The special envoy echoed his boss' call for the new government to make further steps towards national reconciliation. UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon on Monday welcomed the meeting between Thein Sein and Suu Kyi as a positive step, but called on the government to release some 2,100 political prisoners jailed by the previous junta. The government is also under scrutiny for its dealings with the ethnic minorities, several of whom have been the target of brutal military campaigns by the former junta. In a letter to Quintana on Wednesday, a coalition of eight ethnic rebel groups called on the UN envoy to urge that the government restrain its soldiers from rape, burning villages, looting and confiscating properties. The letter also asked that the envoy 'request tripartite peace talks immediately' between the ethnic groups, the government and Suu Kyi. Besides meeting with senior government ministers Quintana als met with Suu Kyi, who has spent 15 of the past 21 years under house arrest, on Wednesday. Quintana was only recently granted a visa after being denied entry to the country since March, 2010, when he angered the then-ruling junta by urging a UN inquiry into Myanmar's human rights record. Myanmar has been the target of economic sanctions by Western democracies since 1988, when an army crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators that left an estimated 3,000 dead. The junta that ran the country between 1988 to 2010 has notched up one of the world's worst human rights records. Although the current government is an elected one, it is packed with former military men. The UN and Western nations have demanded clear signs that the new regime is committed to change, such as opening a dialogue with the opposition and ethnic minority groups that have been the target of military offensives. Myanmar wants foreign/local ventures for oil blocks Reuters: Thu 25 Aug 2011 Yangon – Foreign firms that win a tender in Myanmar to develop 18 new onshore oil and gas blocks will be required to set up joint ventures with local companies, a senior Energy Ministry official said on Thursday. The closing date for sealed tenders from foreign firms to develop the 18 blocks was on Aug. 23, the official, who declined to be named, told Reuters. "We are now assessing the bidders, which include companies from our immediate neighbours, from ASEAN (Association of South East Asian Nations) and also outside ASEAN," he said. Shortlisted bidders will be given geological data and then asked to submit proposals. "The shortlisted foreign bidders will have to sign a memorandum of understanding or agreement with registered local Myanmar companies about talking about shareholding ratios," the official said. He said this was a new policy from the Energy Ministry, which aimed to help local private firms gain experience and expertise by working alongside international oil and gas companies. "We invited local companies to register in order to jointly invest in the 18 onshore oil and gas blocks with foreign investors and the closing date for this is Sept. 9." International investment in Myanmar, formerly called Burma, has been limited because of sanctions imposed for human rights abuses under the former military regime. An election last November led to the formation of a nominally civilian government in March. Although the poll was dismissed by many as a sham that left the military in power behind a veneer of democracy, there have been signs recently that the administration could be opening up and willing to engage more with the international community. Myanmar has been exploring oil and gas in 49 onshore sites and 26 offshore blocks in Rakhine, Tanintharyi and Mon states after entering joint ventures with foreign companies since 1988. Companies from neighbouring Thailand and China are the biggest investors in Myanmar's energy sector. The country's proven gas reserves doubled in the past decade to 570 billion cubic metres, equivalent to almost a fifth of Australia's, according to the BP Statistical Review. According to estimates by the Energy Ministry, there are 3.2 billion barrels of crude oil reserves in Myanmar. Official data released by the government's Central Statistical Organisation (CSO) showed that over 6.791 million barrels of oil were produced in fiscal 2010/11 (April/March). (Reporting by Aung Hla Tun; Editing by Alan Raybould and Ramthan Hussain) Statement of the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar – Tomas Ojea Quintana Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights: Thu 25 Aug 2011 I have just concluded my five-day mission to Myanmar – my fourth visit to the country since I was appointed in March 2008 and my first since February 2010. I would like to thank the Government of Myanmar for its invitation and hospitality, and for the cooperation and flexibility shown during my visit. During the mission, I met with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Minister of Home Affairs, the Minister of Defence, the Deputy Chief of Police, the Minister of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement, who also holds the position of the Minister of Labour, the Attorney-General, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, the Union Election Commission and with some of the Presidential Advisors. I also met with the Speakers and members of the Pyi Thu and Amyotha Hluttaws, including representatives of ethnic political parties, and had the privilege to observe the second regular session of the Pyi Thu Hluttaw. In Yangon, I held fruitful discussions on a range of important human rights issues with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. I also conducted a visit to Insein Prison where I met with seven prisoners of conscience. Also in Yangon, I met with representatives of civil society organizations, former prisoners of consience, and members of the United Nations Country Team, whom I thank for the support provided to me during my mission. I also briefed the diplomatic community and held a meeting with all director-generals of different ministries at the conclusion of my mission. It is evident that since its formation earlier this year, the Government has taken a number of steps that have the potential to bring about an improvement in the human rights situation of Myanmar. I welcome the Government's stated commitments to reform and the priorities set out by President Thein Sein, which includes the protection of social and economic rights, the protection of fundamental human rights and freedoms, including through the amendment and revocation of existing laws, good governance, as well as respect for the rule of law and an independent and transparent judiciary. I also welcome President Thein Sein's emphasis on the need for peace talks with armed groups and the open door for exiles to return. I am encouraged that Parliament has begun exercising its powers within the framework of the Constitution. For instance, Government ministers appeared before it to answer questions. Parliamentary debates were covered by the official media. Further various committees were formed, including notably the Fundamental Rights, Democracy and Human Rights Committee. Substantively, Parliament has considered a host of important issues relevant to the promotion and protection of human rights, including land tenure rights and issues of land confiscation, the issue of registering associations and other local organizations, the need for registration of trade unions, discrimination against ethnic minorities in civil service recruitment, the need for teaching of ethnic minority languages in schools in minority areas, the question of amnesty to Shan political prisoners, and the issue of granting national identification cards to the Rohingyas. I note issues were also debated in this current session of Parliament, including the provision of medicines to hospitals, the rebuilding of primary schools in certain constituencies, a private school registration bill, and environmental conservation. I welcome what seems to be an opening of space for different actors and parties to engage in the political process. I emphasized to the Speakers and members of Parliament the importance of holding open and inclusive debates on issues of national importance that are essential for Myanmar's transition to democracy. At the same time, I note the strong need to enhance the capacity and functioning of this new institution and of its members. Many interlocutors from all sectors highlighted this need as well. Accordingly, I strongly encourage the Parliament to proactively seek cooperation and assistance from the international community in this regard. Also crucial is the need to clarify a number of the Parliament's internal rules and procedures, including establishing clear rules governing parliamentary immunity. I also met with the Union Election Commission where I was informed that by-elections for some 40 Pyithu Hluttaw, Amyotha Hluttaw and State or Regional Hluttaw seats will be held later this year. I emphasized the need to learn lessons from the November 2010 elections and called on the Election Commission to play an important role in ensuring that the upcoming by-elections are held in a more participatory and inclusive manner. I believe that the effective functioning of state institutions is key to Myanmar's transition to democracy that should be anchored in important human rights principles such as participation, empowerment, transparency, accountability and non-discrimination. I was pleased to have held a frank and fruitful exchange of views with some of the Presidential Advisors, whom I believe have played a key role in advising the President on the challenges facing Myanmar and the priorities for reform. I encourage the Presidential Advisors to continue their important functions and to provide suggestions on how to translate or implement commitments into concrete action. While I welcome these and other positive developments, there are still serious and ongoing human rights concerns that need to be addressed. Of key concern to me and to the international community is the continuing detention of a large number of prisoners of conscience. I have, since the start of my mandate, consistently called for their immediate release and, in my meetings with Government interlocutors, I conveyed my firm belief that their release is a central and necessary step towards national reconciliation and would bring more benefit to Myanmar's efforts towards democracy. I reiterate that call now. Another concern is the continuing allegations of torture and ill-treatment during interrogation, the use of prisoners as porters for the military, and the transfers of prisoners to prisons in remote areas where they are unable to receive family visits or packages of essential medicine and supplemental food. In Insein prison, I heard disturbing testimonies of prolonged sleep and food deprivation during interrogation, beatings, and the burning of bodily parts, including genital organs. I heard accounts of prisoners being confined in cells normally used for prison dogs as means of punishment. I also heard accounts of inadequate access to medical care, where prisoners had to pay for medication at their own cost. Also of concern are the ongoing tensions in ethnic border areas and armed conflict with some armed ethnic groups, which continue to engender serious human rights violations, including attacks against civilian populations, extrajudicial killings, sexual violence, arbitrary arrest and detention, internal displacement, land confiscations, the recruitment of child soldiers, as well as forced labour and portering. I call on the authorities and all armed groups to ensure the protection of civilians in conflict-affected areas and to accelerate efforts towards finding a political solution to the conflict. Many of my interlocutors underscored the extent of deprivation of economic, social cultural rights throughout the country, but particularly in the ethnic border areas. This is closely linked to the need to immediately address Myanmar's longstanding social, economic and development challenges. Concerns regarding the availability and accessibility of education and health care were specifically highlighted, as well as the need for the teaching of ethnic minority languages in schools in minority areas – issues I have raised in my previous reports. Other concerns highlighted addressed land and housing rights, particularly with respect to the impact of infrastructure projects, land confiscations by the military and development-induced displacement. In this regard, I call on the Government to ensure not only the protection but also the realization of basic economic, social and cultural rights. I observed that the capacity, independence and impartiality of the judiciary remain outstanding issues in Myanmar. Additionally, I noted that various laws and legal provisions that limit fundamental rights and contravene international human rights standards remain in existence. I am encouraged to hear that a process to review and possibly amend or revoke national legislation is underway, including during the current second regular session of Parliament. Given the Government's stated commitment to respect for the rule of law, and in line with my previous recommendations on this issue, I hope for such efforts to be accelerated. I also encourage the Government to implement my previous recommendations on the judiciary and to undertake the series of measures I have proposed in order to enhance its independence and impartiality. I further encourage that technical assistance be sought in the area of capacity-building and training of judges and lawyers. Finally, I continue to hold the belief that justice and accountability measures, as well as measures to ensure access to the truth, are fundamental for Myanmar to face its past and current human rights challenges, and to move forward towards national reconciliation. I would again encourage the Government to demonstrate its willingness and commitment to address these concerns and to take the necessary measures for investigations of human rights violations to be conducted in an independent, impartial and credible manner, without delay. I want to again thank the Government of Myanmar for its invitation and cooperation. I look forward to another visit to the country before my next report to the Human Rights Council in March 2012. This is a key moment in Myanmar's history and there are real opportunities for positive and meaningful developments to improve the human rights situation and bring about a genuine transition to democracy. The new Government has taken a number of steps towards these ends. Yet, many serious human rights issues remain and they need to be addressed. I call on the Government to intensify its efforts to implement its own commitments and to fulfill its international human rights obligations. The international community needs to continue to remain engaged and to closely follow developments. The international community also needs to support and assist the Government during this important time. I reaffirm my willingness to work constructively and cooperatively with Myanmar to improve the human rights situation of its people. Suu Kyi says Myanmar president wants 'real change' Agence France Presse: Wed 24 Aug 2011 Yangon — Myanmar's democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi said Wednesday she believes the country's army-backed president wants "real positive change" amid warmer relations between the regime and its most famous critic. Suu Kyi met President Thein Sein on Friday in her highest-level discussions since she was freed from seven years of house arrest soon after a November election that was marred by claims of cheating and the absence of her party. "From my point of view, I think the president wants to achieve real positive change," she told reporters on Wednesday. Suu Kyi was warned to keep out of politics in June, but has since engaged in increasing dialogue with the government, which is nominally civilian but remains dominated by former generals. The Nobel laureate was speaking after a meeting with Tomas Ojea Quintana, the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, and said the pair had covered a variety of subjects including the fate of political prisoners. It was the first meeting between the envoy and the democracy champion, who was locked up during his last visit in February 2010. "I am really satisfied. I am encouraged to have seen him as he is an expert in this issue," she said of Quintana. Myanmar allowed the UN envoy into the country for the first time in more than a year amid signs that the government wants to improve its international image. Quintana described his discussions with Suu Kyi as "very important, fruitful and productive", in brief comments after the meeting. The UN envoy, who has been an outspoken critic of Myanmar's rulers in the past, is due to hold a press conference on Thursday at the end of a five-day visit that has included a trip to the new parliament in Naypyidaw and talks with senior regime figures. Earlier on Wednesday, Quintana visited Yangon's notorious Insein prison, which is believed to hold some of Myanmar's around 2,000 political prisoners. After his trip to the country last year, the envoy angered Myanmar's ruling generals by suggesting that human rights violations in the country may amount to crimes against humanity and could warrant a UN inquiry. He has since been refused visas to visit several times. The international community has called for a number of reforms in Myanmar including the release of political prisoners, improved human rights and dialogue with the opposition. Than Shwe's hand seen in choice of new Intelligence Chief – Sithu Irrawaddy: Wed 24 Aug 2011 Naypyidaw — A trusted disciple of Snr-Gen Than Shwe, the former dictator who is still believed to wield ultimate power over Burma's new government, has reportedly been appointed to lead the country's powerful military intelligence unit. Maj-Gen Soe Shein, a personal assistant to Than Shwe, has recently taken the helm of the Military Affairs Security (MAS), as the unit is known, replacing its former chief, Maj-Gen Kyaw Swe, according to MAS sources in Naypyidaw. "Before abolishing the former ruling military council, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), Snr-Gen Than Shwe promoted Soe Shein from colonel to brigadier-general. Very recently Soe Shein was promoted to major general to take over as the director of the MAS," a source told The Irrawaddy. Many observers believe that Than Shwe has retained his grip on Burma's military, the country's most powerful institution, despite dissolving the SPDC and officially transferring his former position of commander-in-chief to Gen Min Aung Hlaing. Defense Ministry sources told The Irrawaddy in April that reports from the War Office marked "Confidential" were still being sent to the 77-year-old former ruler of Burma, despite his official retirement as head of the military following last year's elections. Soe Shein's promotion to the position of MAS chief reignites speculation about Than Shwe's lingering grip on the Burmese military and the new administration led by former military general Thein Sein. "Soe Shein is Snr-Gen Than Shwe's most trusted man. His appointment as chief of the MAS means that the old man will be watching everyone through constant updates on the current situation," a MAS officer said. The MAS was created following the dismantling of the former Military Intelligent Service (MIS), led by once powerful general and former prime minister, Khin Nyunt, who was purged in 2004 and later sentenced to 44 years imprisonment on charges of corruption and insubordination; he is now under house arrest. The MIS was notorious for keeping a watchful eye not only on the country's ordinary citizens, but also on army officers and political exiles living in the West. Will ethnic issues be sidelined? – Saw Yan Naing Irrawaddy: Tue 23 Aug 2011 Burma's ethnic armed groups say they are worried that recent moves by the country's government to reach out to pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and exiled Burmese dissidents could put ethnic conflicts on the back burner and create divisions between mainstream political players and long-marginalized minorities. In recent weeks, the government of President Thein Sein has appeared to take a softer stance toward Suu Kyi, at a time when fighting in predominantly ethnic areas continues to heat up after a series of clashes between Burmese forces and former ceasefire groups. Over the weekend, Suu Kyi made her first visit to Burma's new capital, Naypyidaw, where she met with Thein Sein, who formed a new government in March following last year's widely criticized election. Suu Kyi, who also made an appearance at a government-sponsored economic workshop during her trip to Naypyidaw, emerged from her first encounter with Thein Sein saying she was "happy and satisfied" with her meeting with the president and other officials. Before this trip, she met with Minister of Labor Aung Kyi and was allowed to travel twice outside of Rangoon, to the ancient capital of Pagan and to Pegu. Meanwhile, last week Thein Sein made a public statement suggesting exiled dissidents could be permitted to return to Burma and form new organizations. Several ethnic leaders have cautiously welcomed these developments as signs of a possible thaw in the decades-old enmity between pro-democracy forces and Burma's military rulers, but many are also concerned that it could lead to ethnic issues once again being pushed aside by other priorities. La Nan, the joint secretary of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), said the government appears to be trying to separate Suu Kyi from her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), as well as from her supporters and ethnic minority groups. He also described the recent moves, including the offer to allow exiled dissidents to return to Burma, as a "smokescreen," since there has been no evidence of real change on the ground. "So far, they [the government] have said nothing about releasing political prisoners and ethnic leaders. This is something we really need to keep in mind," said La Nan. Despite his misgivings, however, he added that he didn't think Suu Kyi would simply allow herself to be used by the government. Instead, he said, she would find her own way to cooperate. He also noted that the current situation is like a reversal of the government policy of the 1990s, when the junta that installed itself in power in 1988 sidelined Suu Kyi but signed ceasefire agreements with 17 ethnic armed groups, including the KIO. "Now it is like they only want to deal with the opposition, while they keep the ethnic armed groups on the sidelines," he said. As in the past, however, the government seems determined to deal with ethnic armed groups on a one-by-one basis, refusing to respond to demands for a nationwide ceasefire and negotiations with the recently formed ethnic alliance, the United Nationalities Federal Union (UNFC). Nai Hang Thar, the secretary of the UNFC and the New Mon State Pary, said that the government's recent actions are nothing new. "It is our experience that when they open one front line, they try to stop fighting on another. So while they are attacking the ethnic armed groups, they are avoiding trouble with the opposition groups," he said. Khu Oo Reh, the secretary of the Karenni National Progressive Party, said ethnic minorities have always been marginalized by mainstream politics. "The government never considers giving ethnic minorities a chance to participate in politics at the national level. We need justice and equality in politics," he said. Naw Zipporah Sein, the general secretary of the Karen National Union, echoed this sentiment, saying that Burma's ethnic divisions are too deeply rooted to simply be forgotten. "There will be no real change if the government only focuses on mainstream politics and ignores the ethnic groups. Change will only come with the involvement of all ethnic minorities," she said. Suu Kyi positive on co-operation with govt – Ahunt Phone Myat Democratic Voice of Burma: Tue 23 Aug 2011 Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi at the National League for Democracy's (NLD) executive meeting yesterday spoke positively of the beginning of a co-operation process with the government. The NLD's spokesperson Ohn Kyaing told DVB that Suu Kyi sounded optimistic in the group's Central Executive Committee meeting and that co-operation with the government had begun in the interests of the nation and the people; "Her remarks sounded satisfied – she said she believed a co-operation process has begun in the interests of the country and the people," said Ohn Kyaing. However, he refused to reveal what was discussed in the meeting yesterday: "We can't give you the full details yet," he added. On Friday last week, Suu Kyi had an historic meeting with Burma's president Thein Sein in Naypyidaw and attended a government economic workshop. Yesterday, the NLD released a statement welcoming her meeting with the president and the workshop where union government ministers and economic experts met and discussed ways to improve the country's economic structure and future. Prior to her meeting with Thein Sein, Suu Kyi had met twice with government's labour minister Aung Kyi where they agreed to cooperate for peace, tranquillity and development of the country. Whilst veteran NLD member U Win Tin corroborated telling DVB that; "Our relationship [with the government] is now much better." Suu Kyi recently tested her freedom by making her first political trip out of her home town Rangoon, the last time she made such a trip she was attacked by thugs at Depayin. Assailants who were alleged to have been from the precursor to the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA). Around 70 NLD members were believed to have lost their lives on the 30 May 2003 and Suu Kyi was jailed as a result. Questions still remain unanswered as to whether the NLD will be able to function in electoral politics after they were banned from participating after rejecting last year's controversial election and not registering. However the warming of relations bodes well that the party and Suu Kyi herself may yet have a place in Burma's parliament. Myanmar's president calls for easing tensions The Associated Press: Mon 22 Aug 2011 Naypyitaw, Myanmar — Myanmar's president says his government is trying to ease tensions between political factions and reach out for better relations with the country's numerous ethnic groups. President Thein Sein told Parliament Monday that the government will listen to opposition groups. He met pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi last week. He says the government has opened its doors to talks with armed ethnic groups and that development of the frontier areas where they live depends on stability. Monday's Parliamentary session was only the second in more than 20 years and the first journalists were allowed to attend since the 1980s. The government elected in November is dominated by military officers. It took power from a military junta last March. Have FECs reached the end of the line? – Stuart Deed Myanmar Times: Mon 22 Aug 2011 THE government said last week that if and when the national exchange rate is unified – and an exchange rate set – the Foreign Exchange Certificate (FEC) will be abandoned. "IF there is exchange rate unification, the withdrawal of FEC will be included automatically. If FEC is withdrawn, the citizens with FECs in hand will get back US dollars or kyats equivalent to those FECs at prevailing exchange rate," U Than Nyein, governor of the Central Bank of Myanmar, said during a press conference in Nay Pyi Taw on August 12 and the text of which was reported by the state-run New Light of Myanmar newspaper the following day. The Myanmar Times reported last week that International Monetary Fund (IMF) officials will visit Myanmar in the second half of October to assist to advise the government to "help them prepare to modernise their exchange rate system and lift restrictions on the making of payments and transfers for current international transactions", said Mr Gita Bhatt, an IMF spokesperson. Following the August 12 press conference, the exchange value of FECs dipped sharply from about K715 to about K685 on August 19. However, the US dollar recorded a similar fall – depreciating from K755 on August 12 to about K730 on August 19. FECs were introduced in 1993 as a way of allowing citizens to hold defacto foreign currency because it was, and remains today, illegal for citizens to hold US dollars without a licence. Foreign companies operating here are required to pay their national staff in either FECs or FEC-equivalent, with the Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank and several other institutions removing a 10-percent tax in the process. As a result, the FEC has usually traded at a 10pc discount to the dollar. |
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