Burma Update
News and updates on Burma28 June 2005
Myanmar’s migrant workers, forgotten victims of tsunami, re-build Thai resorts
scmp - Monday, June 27, 2005
ASSOCIATED PRESS in Takua Pa, Thailand
Updated at 12.00pm:
Migrant workers from Myanmar were the cheap labour that built Thai resorts where 2,000 foreign tourists died in the tsunami. Now, they’re re-building bungalows and hotels on this splendid beach to lure back tourists.
Despite their economic role, they say they have become forgotten victims of the disaster — having received little or no aid from either Thailand or their own government in Myanmar.
As foreign governments helped Thailand in the frantic search for tsunami victims, nobody looked for these Myanmar workers, an estimated 1,000 to 7,000 of whom perished. The labourers say they watched from their shanties and cinder block homes as food and supplies were handed out to their Thai neighbours.
“When I come here to help do construction work for them [the Thais], I make them happy, but when something happens to me, they don’t help me,” 56-year-old Aung Than said, holding two photos of his son and nephew, who were killed in the tsunami along with his niece. Only the body of his nephew was found, while the other two are still missing.
About 5,400 people died in the tsunami along Thailand’s Andaman Sea coast, half of them foreigners.
Some officials believe as many as 1,000 of the migrants died, but the exact number may never be known because of the large number of undocumented workers. Many migrants also refused to go to official mortuaries to identify their colleagues, fearing police would arrest them for not having work permits.
The Tsunami Action Group, a non-profit organisation that helps migrant workers from Myanmar, also known as Burma, puts the number of dead Burmese at 6,000 to 7,000.
Before the tsunami, there were more than 31,000 Burmese workers registered in Phang Nga province, north of the resort island of Phuket. After, it fell to 23,000, the Tsunami Action Group said, but added the actual number of may be twice that because many workers are illegal.
The reconstruction boom in the Khao Lak resort area on Phang Nga’s coast makes the area look like a city being built from scratch. Earning about US$3 (HK$23.3) to US$6 for a day’s work, the Burmese comprise a majority of the labour, living in temporary shelters behind the luxury resorts they are building.
Aung Than and his co-workers described the inequality of tsunami aid on a lunch break at their corrugated metal shanties. Among them was a small, sinewy 13-year-old boy who earned 100 baht a day mixing and transporting cement. A rash covered the boy’s shoulders, back and chest with sand grain-sized bumps.
There was less bitterness in their voices than a mere sad acceptance of their fate as the poorest of Thailand’s poor.
“My life was very hard in Burma, so I had to come to Thailand. It felt awful that no one came to help after my son, nephew and niece died,” said Aung Than. “Still, life is better here than at home.”
While the Thai government handed out US$500 to each Thai survivor, most of the Burmese, who have contributed greatly to Thailand’s economy, received nothing and were afraid to ask for help for fear of being arrested or harassed by authorities.
Thai police made Myanmar migrants scapegoats by publicly accusing them of looting after the tsunami, worsening discrimination against them.
Min Zaw, a 26-year-old construction worker who lost both his in-laws, helped an injured Western tourist flee the waves, and then fled himself to Myanmar, fearing authorities’ arbitrary, groundless arrests. He returned when he knew he would be needed to rebuild.
“I came back, but of my former work crew of 20 guys, 16 are in Myanmar because they were scared of the authorities,” Min Zaw said.
Amnesty International in a report this month said Myanmar migrant workers take jobs that Thais consider too dirty, dangerous or demeaning. They “are routinely paid well below the Thai minimum wage, work long hours in unhealthy conditions and are at risk of arbitrary arrest and deportation,” the report said.
Still, hundreds of thousands have fled Myanmar’s repressive military regime and high unemployment in search of jobs in far more prosperous Thailand.
Sitting on the floor of a one-room cinder block home in Phang Nga’s Bang Niang district, Myanmar rubber tappers told of being passed over by Thai aid donors.
“They asked if we were Thai or Burmese. When we said Burmese, they told us, ‘Get out of here,”‘ said Yee Than, 32, who was born in Thailand but is a Myanmar citizen. “We’re migrant laborers, so they treat us badly.”
How does that make her feel?
“We’re poor people. We don’t feel anything.”
ASSOCIATED PRESS in Takua Pa, Thailand
Updated at 12.00pm:
Migrant workers from Myanmar were the cheap labour that built Thai resorts where 2,000 foreign tourists died in the tsunami. Now, they’re re-building bungalows and hotels on this splendid beach to lure back tourists.
Despite their economic role, they say they have become forgotten victims of the disaster — having received little or no aid from either Thailand or their own government in Myanmar.
As foreign governments helped Thailand in the frantic search for tsunami victims, nobody looked for these Myanmar workers, an estimated 1,000 to 7,000 of whom perished. The labourers say they watched from their shanties and cinder block homes as food and supplies were handed out to their Thai neighbours.
“When I come here to help do construction work for them [the Thais], I make them happy, but when something happens to me, they don’t help me,” 56-year-old Aung Than said, holding two photos of his son and nephew, who were killed in the tsunami along with his niece. Only the body of his nephew was found, while the other two are still missing.
About 5,400 people died in the tsunami along Thailand’s Andaman Sea coast, half of them foreigners.
Some officials believe as many as 1,000 of the migrants died, but the exact number may never be known because of the large number of undocumented workers. Many migrants also refused to go to official mortuaries to identify their colleagues, fearing police would arrest them for not having work permits.
The Tsunami Action Group, a non-profit organisation that helps migrant workers from Myanmar, also known as Burma, puts the number of dead Burmese at 6,000 to 7,000.
Before the tsunami, there were more than 31,000 Burmese workers registered in Phang Nga province, north of the resort island of Phuket. After, it fell to 23,000, the Tsunami Action Group said, but added the actual number of may be twice that because many workers are illegal.
The reconstruction boom in the Khao Lak resort area on Phang Nga’s coast makes the area look like a city being built from scratch. Earning about US$3 (HK$23.3) to US$6 for a day’s work, the Burmese comprise a majority of the labour, living in temporary shelters behind the luxury resorts they are building.
Aung Than and his co-workers described the inequality of tsunami aid on a lunch break at their corrugated metal shanties. Among them was a small, sinewy 13-year-old boy who earned 100 baht a day mixing and transporting cement. A rash covered the boy’s shoulders, back and chest with sand grain-sized bumps.
There was less bitterness in their voices than a mere sad acceptance of their fate as the poorest of Thailand’s poor.
“My life was very hard in Burma, so I had to come to Thailand. It felt awful that no one came to help after my son, nephew and niece died,” said Aung Than. “Still, life is better here than at home.”
While the Thai government handed out US$500 to each Thai survivor, most of the Burmese, who have contributed greatly to Thailand’s economy, received nothing and were afraid to ask for help for fear of being arrested or harassed by authorities.
Thai police made Myanmar migrants scapegoats by publicly accusing them of looting after the tsunami, worsening discrimination against them.
Min Zaw, a 26-year-old construction worker who lost both his in-laws, helped an injured Western tourist flee the waves, and then fled himself to Myanmar, fearing authorities’ arbitrary, groundless arrests. He returned when he knew he would be needed to rebuild.
“I came back, but of my former work crew of 20 guys, 16 are in Myanmar because they were scared of the authorities,” Min Zaw said.
Amnesty International in a report this month said Myanmar migrant workers take jobs that Thais consider too dirty, dangerous or demeaning. They “are routinely paid well below the Thai minimum wage, work long hours in unhealthy conditions and are at risk of arbitrary arrest and deportation,” the report said.
Still, hundreds of thousands have fled Myanmar’s repressive military regime and high unemployment in search of jobs in far more prosperous Thailand.
Sitting on the floor of a one-room cinder block home in Phang Nga’s Bang Niang district, Myanmar rubber tappers told of being passed over by Thai aid donors.
“They asked if we were Thai or Burmese. When we said Burmese, they told us, ‘Get out of here,”‘ said Yee Than, 32, who was born in Thailand but is a Myanmar citizen. “We’re migrant laborers, so they treat us badly.”
How does that make her feel?
“We’re poor people. We don’t feel anything.”
21 June 2005
World watches as Suu Kyi turns 60
scmp - Monday, June 20, 2005
ASSOCIATED PRESS in Yangon
Celebrations were held around the world yesterday to mark the 60th birthday of Myanmar's pro- democracy icon, Aung San Suu Kyi, as supporters in her own country were briefly detained by the junta during a protest at a pagoda.
While the Nobel laureate - who has spent almost 10 of the past 16 years in confinement - remained inside her dilapidated lakeside residence in Yangon, several hundred members of her party and a handful of foreign diplomats gathered at its headquarters.
They cheered and clapped as 10 doves and 61 balloons - signifying the start of Ms Suu Kyi's 61st year - were released. More than 30 plain-clothes police videotaped the events from across the street.
About a dozen members of her National League for Democracy party wore T-shirts bearing Suu Kyi's photo and the slogan "Set her free" at the capital's famed golden Shwedagon pagoda, where they also released 61 doves. They were detained by authorities and freed only after they removed the shirts.
"Religious ceremonies and other quiet ceremonies are being held all over the country," party official Nan Khin Htwe Myint said. "In some districts, authorities warned party members not to hold birthday celebrations."
In the Philippines, former president Corazon Aquino and pro- democracy groups offered prayers for Ms Suu Kyi's release. "I continue to pray for her, that she will finally get justice," Mrs Aquino.
In Malaysia, human rights groups and activists protested for her release, and called on Malaysia's government to release 68 Myanmese nationals who were detained on Thursday for protesting outside Myanmar's embassy in Kuala Lumpur.
Thailand's Thammasat University awarded Ms Suu Kyi an honorary doctorate.
Italian President Carlo Azeglio Ciampi sent birthday greetings praising her "brave battle for democracy and human rights, which has been made more noble by the high price you have paid and are still paying".
In a letter released on Saturday, US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice wrote that Ms Suu Kyi's "message of non-violence and courageous support for the establishment of democracy in Burma in the face of the junta's brutal repression and your continuing house arrest inspires people around the world".
Ms Suu Kyi was most recently detained in May 2003 after a pro-government mob attacked her entourage as she was making a political tour of northern Myanmar. She is in her third period of extended detention since 1989. Her party vice chairman, Tin Oo, has also been detained since May 2003.
The military has ruled Myanmar since 1962, and the current junta came to power in 1988 after crushing a pro-democracy uprising. It called an election in 1990 but refused to hand over power when Ms Suu Kyi's party won a landslide victory.
ASSOCIATED PRESS in Yangon
Celebrations were held around the world yesterday to mark the 60th birthday of Myanmar's pro- democracy icon, Aung San Suu Kyi, as supporters in her own country were briefly detained by the junta during a protest at a pagoda.
While the Nobel laureate - who has spent almost 10 of the past 16 years in confinement - remained inside her dilapidated lakeside residence in Yangon, several hundred members of her party and a handful of foreign diplomats gathered at its headquarters.
They cheered and clapped as 10 doves and 61 balloons - signifying the start of Ms Suu Kyi's 61st year - were released. More than 30 plain-clothes police videotaped the events from across the street.
About a dozen members of her National League for Democracy party wore T-shirts bearing Suu Kyi's photo and the slogan "Set her free" at the capital's famed golden Shwedagon pagoda, where they also released 61 doves. They were detained by authorities and freed only after they removed the shirts.
"Religious ceremonies and other quiet ceremonies are being held all over the country," party official Nan Khin Htwe Myint said. "In some districts, authorities warned party members not to hold birthday celebrations."
In the Philippines, former president Corazon Aquino and pro- democracy groups offered prayers for Ms Suu Kyi's release. "I continue to pray for her, that she will finally get justice," Mrs Aquino.
In Malaysia, human rights groups and activists protested for her release, and called on Malaysia's government to release 68 Myanmese nationals who were detained on Thursday for protesting outside Myanmar's embassy in Kuala Lumpur.
Thailand's Thammasat University awarded Ms Suu Kyi an honorary doctorate.
Italian President Carlo Azeglio Ciampi sent birthday greetings praising her "brave battle for democracy and human rights, which has been made more noble by the high price you have paid and are still paying".
In a letter released on Saturday, US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice wrote that Ms Suu Kyi's "message of non-violence and courageous support for the establishment of democracy in Burma in the face of the junta's brutal repression and your continuing house arrest inspires people around the world".
Ms Suu Kyi was most recently detained in May 2003 after a pro-government mob attacked her entourage as she was making a political tour of northern Myanmar. She is in her third period of extended detention since 1989. Her party vice chairman, Tin Oo, has also been detained since May 2003.
The military has ruled Myanmar since 1962, and the current junta came to power in 1988 after crushing a pro-democracy uprising. It called an election in 1990 but refused to hand over power when Ms Suu Kyi's party won a landslide victory.
20 June 2005
Activists play up pro-democracy leader's plight
scmp - Sunday, June 19, 2005
AGENCIES in Yangon and Bangkok
Thousands of cards have been sent and a pop star will release a song to draw attention to the plight of Myanmar's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi as she marks her 60th birthday and her 2,523rd day under military detention.
Events around the world had earlier highlighted Ms Suu Kyi and her country's plight - from a small celebration of Myanmese culture in Thailand, to anti-regime protests outside Myanmese embassies and calls for her freedom from world leaders.
Ms Suu Kyi, the daughter of the country's independence hero, is under her third term of house arrest since the junta ignored her National League for Democracy party's sweeping victory in 1990 elections. She has no communication with the outside world, save for her shortwave radio.
To mark her birthday, NLD members in Yangon planned to release 10 doves and 60 balloons.
"We are trying to use the birthday to galvanise politicians into finally taking some action on Myanmar. The international response has been quite pathetic since her latest arrest," said Mark Farmaner, spokesman for a British-based advocacy group.
Agence France-Presse and Associated Press
AGENCIES in Yangon and Bangkok
Thousands of cards have been sent and a pop star will release a song to draw attention to the plight of Myanmar's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi as she marks her 60th birthday and her 2,523rd day under military detention.
Events around the world had earlier highlighted Ms Suu Kyi and her country's plight - from a small celebration of Myanmese culture in Thailand, to anti-regime protests outside Myanmese embassies and calls for her freedom from world leaders.
Ms Suu Kyi, the daughter of the country's independence hero, is under her third term of house arrest since the junta ignored her National League for Democracy party's sweeping victory in 1990 elections. She has no communication with the outside world, save for her shortwave radio.
To mark her birthday, NLD members in Yangon planned to release 10 doves and 60 balloons.
"We are trying to use the birthday to galvanise politicians into finally taking some action on Myanmar. The international response has been quite pathetic since her latest arrest," said Mark Farmaner, spokesman for a British-based advocacy group.
Agence France-Presse and Associated Press
Suu Kyi never more isolated than on her birthday
scmp - Sunday, June 19, 2005
DOMINIC FAULDER in Bangkok
Kraisak Choonhavan, chairman of the Thai Senate's committee on foreign affairs, crooned Happy Birthday as activists, journalists, bemused onlookers and, more than likely, the odd Myanmese spy watched 60 candles glow on a cake.
The fifth 12-year cycle anniversary is considered particularly auspicious by Buddhists, but Ms Suu Kyi will be spending hers alone. With her contact limited to domestic staff and her doctor, she has never been more isolated.
Mr Suu Kyi is the best known among at least 1,350 political prisoners in Myanmar. To this should be added an estimated 300 military intelligence officers purged after the downfall late last year of their boss and prime minister, General Khin Nyunt.
Khin Nyunt and his sons are being tried for corruption and close lieutenants have received jail terms in excess of a hundred years. While some may see karmic justice in this, military intelligence officers were, for all their failings, the most outward looking members of a closed establishment.
Fellow Nobel peace laureates, including the Dalai Lama, have consistently rallied to their "sister laureate".
"I would like to meet her and give her a rose like the one she is seen holding in a photograph in my study," says another admirer, Vaclav Havel, former president of the Czech Republic.
The US State Department has meanwhile noted that Myanmar is the only country where a Nobel laureate is under house arrest for simply acting as a democratic leader.
The country's military junta, however, seems intent on keeping her locked away until it has completed drafting a new constitution which promises to be as flawed as the two that preceded it, one British, one homegrown.
It is a given that it will exclude Ms Suu Kyi from any elected role in public life since she was married to a foreigner until 1999, when her British husband died.
Ms Suu Kyi's release could only be a small first step towards sorting out a terrible mess. Poor governance has produced the largest refugee problem in Asia. There are at least 145,000 refugees along the Thai-Myanmese border, with another 650,000 internally displaced in east Myanmar, says Human Rights Watch.
The economy has been wrecked for more than 40 years, and a long denied HIV/Aids problem may be comparable with some of the more seriously affected parts of Africa.
But imprisoned or not, Ms Suu Kyi's most valuable role may already be behind her. She has alerted people to how much Myanmar, which until 1988 was a largely forgotten country, desperately needs help getting to its feet.
That achievement has come at great personal sacrifice. Resolving the problem will be far more than anyone can manage - even when everybody is willing to come to the party.
DOMINIC FAULDER in Bangkok
Kraisak Choonhavan, chairman of the Thai Senate's committee on foreign affairs, crooned Happy Birthday as activists, journalists, bemused onlookers and, more than likely, the odd Myanmese spy watched 60 candles glow on a cake.
The fifth 12-year cycle anniversary is considered particularly auspicious by Buddhists, but Ms Suu Kyi will be spending hers alone. With her contact limited to domestic staff and her doctor, she has never been more isolated.
Mr Suu Kyi is the best known among at least 1,350 political prisoners in Myanmar. To this should be added an estimated 300 military intelligence officers purged after the downfall late last year of their boss and prime minister, General Khin Nyunt.
Khin Nyunt and his sons are being tried for corruption and close lieutenants have received jail terms in excess of a hundred years. While some may see karmic justice in this, military intelligence officers were, for all their failings, the most outward looking members of a closed establishment.
Fellow Nobel peace laureates, including the Dalai Lama, have consistently rallied to their "sister laureate".
"I would like to meet her and give her a rose like the one she is seen holding in a photograph in my study," says another admirer, Vaclav Havel, former president of the Czech Republic.
The US State Department has meanwhile noted that Myanmar is the only country where a Nobel laureate is under house arrest for simply acting as a democratic leader.
The country's military junta, however, seems intent on keeping her locked away until it has completed drafting a new constitution which promises to be as flawed as the two that preceded it, one British, one homegrown.
It is a given that it will exclude Ms Suu Kyi from any elected role in public life since she was married to a foreigner until 1999, when her British husband died.
Ms Suu Kyi's release could only be a small first step towards sorting out a terrible mess. Poor governance has produced the largest refugee problem in Asia. There are at least 145,000 refugees along the Thai-Myanmese border, with another 650,000 internally displaced in east Myanmar, says Human Rights Watch.
The economy has been wrecked for more than 40 years, and a long denied HIV/Aids problem may be comparable with some of the more seriously affected parts of Africa.
But imprisoned or not, Ms Suu Kyi's most valuable role may already be behind her. She has alerted people to how much Myanmar, which until 1988 was a largely forgotten country, desperately needs help getting to its feet.
That achievement has come at great personal sacrifice. Resolving the problem will be far more than anyone can manage - even when everybody is willing to come to the party.
Suu Kyi's 60th birthday offers renewed hope
scmp editorial - Sunday, June 19, 2005
In Asian societies, a 60th birthday is a time for celebration. At that age comes rebirth - the completion of one life cycle and the subsequent gaining of respect and wisdom.
Myanmar's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who turns 60 today, has long been held in high regard around the world - but shown little respect by the military junta which has held her in detention for much of the past 15 years.
There will be no celebrations for her today - just more of the isolation that the junta, ironically named the State Peace and Development Council, believes will ensure its grip on power will remain unchallenged.
Junta leader Than Shwe rightly understands that Ms Suu Kyi, the only Nobel Peace Prize winner under detention, is an influential person. Even under house arrest and without the benefit of communications, she inspires hundreds of millions of people worldwide. As an icon of freedom, her bravery, tenacity and courage have been the impetus for many seeking justice and democracy.
That has not been possible in Myanmar. The military's often brutal crushing of any opposition has meant such basic rights for so many people elsewhere are only a dream for the country's people.
During 43 years of military rule, they have endured ethnic cleansing, forced labour, disease and poverty. Ms Suu Kyi is their beacon of hope.
She has remained a guiding light through the crushing of protests led by her National League for Democracy party in 1989, the military's refusal to hand over power after it was soundly defeated in an election in 1990 and the arrest of thousands of pro-democracy activists.
At least 1,300 political prisoners are still being held.
Human rights group Amnesty International last week said the junta had stepped up arrests of activists. Attacks on ethnic groups so far this year had uprooted 500,000 people from their homes.
Promises by the junta to gradually implement a democratic process, made under pressure of United States and European sanctions, have made little tangible headway.
Such circumstances do not mean that Ms Suu Kyi and the movement she heads is crushed. Instead, her 60th birthday is a time to refocus international attention on her country's plight and redouble pressure on the military for change.
That can easily come from outside - from organisations and nations which until now have not had the fortitude to accept that the junta is abusing Myanmar's people. Foremost is the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, which Myanmar is due to chair next year.
Asean would send a strong message by denying the junta that right. By exerting pressure for Ms Suu Kyi's release and the implementation of promised democratic reforms, it can help turn what is at present an embarrassment to its organisation into a worthy fellow member nation.
Even Malaysia's former prime minister Mahathir Mohamad, who spearheaded Myanmar's membership of Asean and steadfastly defended the decision despite criticism, has come to that conclusion. On Friday, he said it was in Myanmar's best interests to free Ms Suu Kyi and live up to its pledges on reform.
China, India and Thailand must end political and economic support for the military government. Pacific nations should cut diplomatic and economic ties.
Ms Suu Kyi is a powerful symbol of the struggle of Myanmar's people. Her use of peaceful, non-violent means of agitation and her courage inspires followers in Myanmar and around the world.
Her rallying cry is to use our freedoms to promote freedom inside Myanmar.
But perhaps on her 60th birthday, the words of South Africa's Archbishop Desmond Tutu, also a Nobel Peace laureate, are more apt: "As long as she remains under arrest, none of us is truly free."
In Asian societies, a 60th birthday is a time for celebration. At that age comes rebirth - the completion of one life cycle and the subsequent gaining of respect and wisdom.
Myanmar's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who turns 60 today, has long been held in high regard around the world - but shown little respect by the military junta which has held her in detention for much of the past 15 years.
There will be no celebrations for her today - just more of the isolation that the junta, ironically named the State Peace and Development Council, believes will ensure its grip on power will remain unchallenged.
Junta leader Than Shwe rightly understands that Ms Suu Kyi, the only Nobel Peace Prize winner under detention, is an influential person. Even under house arrest and without the benefit of communications, she inspires hundreds of millions of people worldwide. As an icon of freedom, her bravery, tenacity and courage have been the impetus for many seeking justice and democracy.
That has not been possible in Myanmar. The military's often brutal crushing of any opposition has meant such basic rights for so many people elsewhere are only a dream for the country's people.
During 43 years of military rule, they have endured ethnic cleansing, forced labour, disease and poverty. Ms Suu Kyi is their beacon of hope.
She has remained a guiding light through the crushing of protests led by her National League for Democracy party in 1989, the military's refusal to hand over power after it was soundly defeated in an election in 1990 and the arrest of thousands of pro-democracy activists.
At least 1,300 political prisoners are still being held.
Human rights group Amnesty International last week said the junta had stepped up arrests of activists. Attacks on ethnic groups so far this year had uprooted 500,000 people from their homes.
Promises by the junta to gradually implement a democratic process, made under pressure of United States and European sanctions, have made little tangible headway.
Such circumstances do not mean that Ms Suu Kyi and the movement she heads is crushed. Instead, her 60th birthday is a time to refocus international attention on her country's plight and redouble pressure on the military for change.
That can easily come from outside - from organisations and nations which until now have not had the fortitude to accept that the junta is abusing Myanmar's people. Foremost is the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, which Myanmar is due to chair next year.
Asean would send a strong message by denying the junta that right. By exerting pressure for Ms Suu Kyi's release and the implementation of promised democratic reforms, it can help turn what is at present an embarrassment to its organisation into a worthy fellow member nation.
Even Malaysia's former prime minister Mahathir Mohamad, who spearheaded Myanmar's membership of Asean and steadfastly defended the decision despite criticism, has come to that conclusion. On Friday, he said it was in Myanmar's best interests to free Ms Suu Kyi and live up to its pledges on reform.
China, India and Thailand must end political and economic support for the military government. Pacific nations should cut diplomatic and economic ties.
Ms Suu Kyi is a powerful symbol of the struggle of Myanmar's people. Her use of peaceful, non-violent means of agitation and her courage inspires followers in Myanmar and around the world.
Her rallying cry is to use our freedoms to promote freedom inside Myanmar.
But perhaps on her 60th birthday, the words of South Africa's Archbishop Desmond Tutu, also a Nobel Peace laureate, are more apt: "As long as she remains under arrest, none of us is truly free."
19 June 2005
Asean to press Myanmar on role
scmp - Saturday, June 18, 2005
AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE
Myanmar will have to tell fellow Asean nations next month whether it will insist on taking its turn to lead the grouping next year, its secretary-general Ong Keng Yong said yesterday.
The junta-ruled country is due to take over the rotating chair from Malaysia, but some members and Asean's western partners are opposed to such a role for the regime. No Asean member has ever been pressured into relinquishing its leadership.
Holding the Asean chair means Myanmar will set the group's agenda and direction as well as host a series of meetings, including a summit and a high-level security forum involving the United States and European Union.
AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE
Myanmar will have to tell fellow Asean nations next month whether it will insist on taking its turn to lead the grouping next year, its secretary-general Ong Keng Yong said yesterday.
The junta-ruled country is due to take over the rotating chair from Malaysia, but some members and Asean's western partners are opposed to such a role for the regime. No Asean member has ever been pressured into relinquishing its leadership.
Holding the Asean chair means Myanmar will set the group's agenda and direction as well as host a series of meetings, including a summit and a high-level security forum involving the United States and European Union.
Free Suu Kyi, Mahathir urges junta
scmp - Saturday, June 18, 2005
AGENCE FRANCE-PRESS in Kuala Lumpur
Malaysia's former leader, Mahathir Mohamad, who was an important ally of Myanmar's junta while he was in power, yesterday called on the ruling generals to release democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Dr Mahathir, who engineered Myanmar's entry into the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, said the junta should not be afraid of the ramifications of freeing Ms Suu Kyi or making other reforms.
"I fought hard for Myanmar to be admitted into Asean. I think the leaders of Myanmar should consider public opinion [in support of her release] and there is nothing they have to lose," he said. "It is up to the government of Myanmar to decide. It would make things easier for everyone."
Myanmar's democracy figurehead celebrates her 60th birthday tomorrow at her Yangon home where she has been confined for the past two years, in her third stint under house arrest since beginning her political career in 1988.
Dr Mahathir said Myanmar's generals needed to be assured that if they moved towards democracy, they would not face prosecution.
"Some guarantee must be given that no action will be taken against them."
But the Malaysian political strongman said the world had to be patient with the regime, which has drawn widespread criticism for its failure to end four decades of military rule.
"Democracy is not something that has been with us for millions of years. It is not normal at all, the normal way is autocracy and monarchy," he said.
Malaysian police on Thursday arrested 68 Myanmese activists for protesting outside their country's embassy against Ms Suu Kyi's detention. They are being held at a police station and have yet to be charged in court.
Another noisy protest was held outside Myanmar's mission yesterday, with a dozen Malaysian opposition members, carrying placards and a birthday cake, demanding Ms Suu Kyi's release.
Representatives of Malaysia's Democratic Action Party, led by its youth chairman, Nga Kor Ming, held the cake aloft and sang a birthday song dedicated to the pro-democracy icon. In a written memorandum to the military junta which was presented to embassy officials, Mr Nga called for the "unconditional release of Aung San Suu Kyi and some 1,350 political prisoners".
The party chairman also urged Malaysia to free all the Myanmese activists arrested on Thursday outside the embassy.
Myanmar is in line to take over the rotating chair of the 10-member Asean bloc from Malaysia next year.
Dr Mahathir has said in the past that Myanmar might be expelled from Asean if its rulers continue defying world pressure to release Ms Suu Kyi, whose party won disallowed a 1990 poll in a landslide.
AGENCE FRANCE-PRESS in Kuala Lumpur
Malaysia's former leader, Mahathir Mohamad, who was an important ally of Myanmar's junta while he was in power, yesterday called on the ruling generals to release democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Dr Mahathir, who engineered Myanmar's entry into the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, said the junta should not be afraid of the ramifications of freeing Ms Suu Kyi or making other reforms.
"I fought hard for Myanmar to be admitted into Asean. I think the leaders of Myanmar should consider public opinion [in support of her release] and there is nothing they have to lose," he said. "It is up to the government of Myanmar to decide. It would make things easier for everyone."
Myanmar's democracy figurehead celebrates her 60th birthday tomorrow at her Yangon home where she has been confined for the past two years, in her third stint under house arrest since beginning her political career in 1988.
Dr Mahathir said Myanmar's generals needed to be assured that if they moved towards democracy, they would not face prosecution.
"Some guarantee must be given that no action will be taken against them."
But the Malaysian political strongman said the world had to be patient with the regime, which has drawn widespread criticism for its failure to end four decades of military rule.
"Democracy is not something that has been with us for millions of years. It is not normal at all, the normal way is autocracy and monarchy," he said.
Malaysian police on Thursday arrested 68 Myanmese activists for protesting outside their country's embassy against Ms Suu Kyi's detention. They are being held at a police station and have yet to be charged in court.
Another noisy protest was held outside Myanmar's mission yesterday, with a dozen Malaysian opposition members, carrying placards and a birthday cake, demanding Ms Suu Kyi's release.
Representatives of Malaysia's Democratic Action Party, led by its youth chairman, Nga Kor Ming, held the cake aloft and sang a birthday song dedicated to the pro-democracy icon. In a written memorandum to the military junta which was presented to embassy officials, Mr Nga called for the "unconditional release of Aung San Suu Kyi and some 1,350 political prisoners".
The party chairman also urged Malaysia to free all the Myanmese activists arrested on Thursday outside the embassy.
Myanmar is in line to take over the rotating chair of the 10-member Asean bloc from Malaysia next year.
Dr Mahathir has said in the past that Myanmar might be expelled from Asean if its rulers continue defying world pressure to release Ms Suu Kyi, whose party won disallowed a 1990 poll in a landslide.
18 June 2005
Despair hangs over Suu Kyi's birthday
scmp - Friday, June 17, 2005
AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE in Bangkok
Military rulers have intensified their crackdown on political opponents and stepped up arrests of activists, human rights watchdog Amnesty International said yesterday.
About 1,350 political prisoners are being held without access to lawyers and subjected to torture or mistreatment, said an Amnesty report released three days before pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi's 60th birthday.
The Nobel laureate is the best known of the political prisoners, having spent most of the past 15 years under house arrest, and her supporters are organising worldwide protests on her birthday on Sunday to call for her release.
Five opposition members of parliament - elected in 1990 polls but never allowed to take office - were jailed in February and March, more than in the previous 21 months, the report said.
"Myanmar's political prisoners are being held hostage by the authorities," Amnesty's secretary-general, Irene Khan, said.
"The use of detention to remove senior leaders from the political process is a major obstacle in resolving the political deadlock that has existed since 1988.
"The justice system, which should be protecting the human rights of all citizens, is being systematically misused to deny and restrict the right to the peaceful exercise of freedom of expression, association and assembly."
At least 10 ethnic Shan leaders were also arrested in February, including Khun Tun Oo, the leader of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy party.
Late last year the junta released nearly 20,000 prisoners following a purge that ousted prime minister General Khin Nyunt, but only 110 of them were believed to be political prisoners.
Myanmar has been ruled by the military for more than four decades. Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy won a landslide victory in 1990 but the junta never recognised the results.
The military's self-declared "road map to democracy" has made little tangible progress, despite US and European sanctions over the country's rights abuse.
AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE in Bangkok
Military rulers have intensified their crackdown on political opponents and stepped up arrests of activists, human rights watchdog Amnesty International said yesterday.
About 1,350 political prisoners are being held without access to lawyers and subjected to torture or mistreatment, said an Amnesty report released three days before pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi's 60th birthday.
The Nobel laureate is the best known of the political prisoners, having spent most of the past 15 years under house arrest, and her supporters are organising worldwide protests on her birthday on Sunday to call for her release.
Five opposition members of parliament - elected in 1990 polls but never allowed to take office - were jailed in February and March, more than in the previous 21 months, the report said.
"Myanmar's political prisoners are being held hostage by the authorities," Amnesty's secretary-general, Irene Khan, said.
"The use of detention to remove senior leaders from the political process is a major obstacle in resolving the political deadlock that has existed since 1988.
"The justice system, which should be protecting the human rights of all citizens, is being systematically misused to deny and restrict the right to the peaceful exercise of freedom of expression, association and assembly."
At least 10 ethnic Shan leaders were also arrested in February, including Khun Tun Oo, the leader of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy party.
Late last year the junta released nearly 20,000 prisoners following a purge that ousted prime minister General Khin Nyunt, but only 110 of them were believed to be political prisoners.
Myanmar has been ruled by the military for more than four decades. Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy won a landslide victory in 1990 but the junta never recognised the results.
The military's self-declared "road map to democracy" has made little tangible progress, despite US and European sanctions over the country's rights abuse.
17 June 2005
Myanmar’s junta stepping up arrests of activists: Amnesty
scmp - Thursday, June 16, 2005
AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE in Bangkok, Thailand
Updated at 1.43pm:
Myanmar’s military rulers have intensified their crackdown on political opponents and stepped up the arrests of activists, human rights watchdog Amnesty International said on Thursday.
Some 1,350 political prisoners are being held incommunicado, without access to lawyers, and subjected to torture or mistreatment, said an Amnesty report released three days before pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi’s 60th birthday.
The Nobel laureate is the best-known of the political prisoners, having spent most of the last 15 years under house arrest, and her supporters are organising worldwide protests on her birthday on Sunday to call for her release.
Five opposition members of parliament — elected in 1990 polls but never allowed to take office — were jailed in February and March, more than in the previous 21 months, the report said.
“Myanmar’s political prisoners are being held hostage by the authorities,” said Amnesty’s secretary general Irene Khan.
“The continued use of detention to remove senior leaders from the political process is a major obstacle in resolving the political deadlock that has existed in the country since 1988,” she said in a statement.
“The justice system, which should be protecting the human rights of all the citizens of Myanmar, is being systematically misused to deny and restrict the right to peaceful exercise of freedom of expression, association and assembly.”
At least 10 ethnic Shan leaders were also arrested in February, including Htun Oo, the leader of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy party.
Other prominent prisoners include 75-year-old Win Tin, jailed since July 1989 for trying to tell the United Nations about human rights abuses in Myanmar, Amnesty said.
Myanmar has been ruled by the military for more than four decades. Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy won a landslide victory in 1990 elections, but the junta never recognised the results.
The military’s self-declared “road map to democracy” has made little tangible progress, despite US and European sanctions over the country’s rights abuses and failure to implement reforms.
AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE in Bangkok, Thailand
Updated at 1.43pm:
Myanmar’s military rulers have intensified their crackdown on political opponents and stepped up the arrests of activists, human rights watchdog Amnesty International said on Thursday.
Some 1,350 political prisoners are being held incommunicado, without access to lawyers, and subjected to torture or mistreatment, said an Amnesty report released three days before pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi’s 60th birthday.
The Nobel laureate is the best-known of the political prisoners, having spent most of the last 15 years under house arrest, and her supporters are organising worldwide protests on her birthday on Sunday to call for her release.
Five opposition members of parliament — elected in 1990 polls but never allowed to take office — were jailed in February and March, more than in the previous 21 months, the report said.
“Myanmar’s political prisoners are being held hostage by the authorities,” said Amnesty’s secretary general Irene Khan.
“The continued use of detention to remove senior leaders from the political process is a major obstacle in resolving the political deadlock that has existed in the country since 1988,” she said in a statement.
“The justice system, which should be protecting the human rights of all the citizens of Myanmar, is being systematically misused to deny and restrict the right to peaceful exercise of freedom of expression, association and assembly.”
At least 10 ethnic Shan leaders were also arrested in February, including Htun Oo, the leader of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy party.
Other prominent prisoners include 75-year-old Win Tin, jailed since July 1989 for trying to tell the United Nations about human rights abuses in Myanmar, Amnesty said.
Myanmar has been ruled by the military for more than four decades. Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy won a landslide victory in 1990 elections, but the junta never recognised the results.
The military’s self-declared “road map to democracy” has made little tangible progress, despite US and European sanctions over the country’s rights abuses and failure to implement reforms.
04 June 2005
Chinks in Myanmar's armor
Asia Times Online - Jun 3, 2005
By Larry Jagan
BANGKOK - Myanmar's top military leader Senior General Than Shwe has strengthened his control over the military and the government through a major shake-up of the army. But as a probe into the recent bomb blasts in the capital fails to make progress, exposing the military's in-fighting and weaknesses, many in Yangon believe major changes are in the air.
The country's No 2 man in green, Deputy Senior General Maung Aye, was effectively demoted in May when army chief General Thura Shwe Mann was promoted to the same rank, according to Western diplomatic sources in Yangon.
More significantly, the army has now been divided into two supreme commands. Thura Shwe Mann is in charge of the most important division, the northern region, while Maung Aye has been left as chief of the southern region, diplomats have said.
Tensions have existed between the top two military leaders since the sacking of prime minister General Khin Nyunt last October. "Maung Aye has been trying to increase his power and influence rather than trying to oust [his rival] Than Shwe," said an Asian diplomat who regularly deals with the regime.
But after months of deadlock over proposed promotions and changes regarding the 12 powerful regional commanders, Than Shwe has turned the tables and edged out the man he regards as his main rival. At least six of the regional commanders have been moved around.
Many of these changes apparently represent Than Shwe's concern to have his trusted generals placed in commands close to Yangon. The army shake-up was ordered during the latest quarterly meeting of the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), in late May.
The meeting took place as the army continued trying to unravel who was responsible for three major bomb blasts in the middle of Yangon three weeks ago. Although the junta says less than 20 people died in the explosions, there were more than 60 victims, including several soldiers.
The explosions, at several key commercial centers in the heart of Yangon, have rattled the regime. So stunned and shocked were Myanmar's military leaders that they have been lashing out at everyone: ethnic rebel groups, students, the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and Thailand have all been blamed.
"The regime is still in the dark as to who was behind the bombs and are chasing their tails," said another Asian diplomat in Yangon.
Than Shwe has taken control of the investigations, but his protege, Yangon commander and head of the new military intelligence branch, General Myint Swe, is in charge of the day-to-day operations with the help of the 11th Light Infantry Division based in the capital.
"The generals do not seem to trust the police to investigate the incident," according to Thai military intelligence sources.
The regime has also sought assistance from a former senior military intelligence officer, Major General Kyaw Win, who was deputy intelligence chief until his boss, Khin Nyunt, was arrested and his supporters purged.
But the regime has shunned offers of assistance from abroad, rejecting Thailand's help in the investigation and Washington's private offer of Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) forensic expertise. Chinese experts, however, are helping behind the scenes, according to sources in Yangon.
Many diplomats in the capital believe the regime will never really discover who was responsible for the bombs. Since the blasts, there have been rumors of other bombs being discovered and defused in time. A climate of fear exists in Yangon.
"Everyone is too frightened to talk, businessmen are keeping quiet and several top policemen are lying low and trying to get up-country for cover," said a foreign businessman with close links to the regime. Several other businessmen have been arrested and are being interrogated in the country's infamous Insein prison.
With threats of fresh bomb attacks having emerged in Yangon in recent weeks, flights in and out of the city are now being searched thoroughly for explosives.
The capital has become eerily empty since the blasts. Far fewer people than usual dare to step out to shop at the supermarkets, eat at restaurants or attend parties, according to Yangon residents. Taxis drivers are complaining that there are few potential customers.
And with the country's military rulers preoccupied with the probe, the two top generals, Than Shwe and Maung Aye, have reportedly put aside their differences for now. "Thura Shwe Mann's recent promotion has not been announced because Maung Aye wants it delayed," according to a military analyst in Yangon.
But further changes to the ruling SPDC and the cabinet are also in the pipeline, according to government officials. So far six regional commanders have been shuffled, but the key posts, including the crucial post of Yangon commander, remain unchanged.
The changes are almost certain to see Maung Aye's people replaced by Than Shwe loyalists - though without reducing the fine balance of power between the men.
"The present delay means that the two top men cannot agree on who should get the key positions," said a Southeast Asian diplomat who has dealt with Myanmar's leaders for years. But, he said, it is only a matter of time before a new power shift emerges with army chief Thura Shwe Mann taking a pivotal role.
Over the past six months there have been several major shake-ups of the cabinet, with ministers close to former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt purged. The intelligence apparatus has been completely dismantled.
Thousands of former intelligence officers and foot soldiers are out of work and desperate, while 40 of Khin Nyunt's top officers and aides have been sentenced to more than 100 years in jail for economic crimes and have had most of their valuables, including their wives' jewelry, confiscated.
The witch-hunt against Khin Nyunt loyalists has upset many in the military and police, who are convinced that most of the charges are trumped-up and part of a campaign against the former military intelligence and their networks.
"It's a form of cannibalism - the army is eating its own flesh," said a retired Myanmar military officer.
This has all contributed to growing resentment within the military and government. "All we are doing is putting innocent people in jail," a policeman investigating one of Khin Nyunt's senior generals confided to friends.
This growing disillusionment within the army has been fueled by the recent bomb blasts and the failure to find the culprits quickly. The military's trumpeted strength has also been severely undermined.
Soldiers have stepped up security around Yangon, especially at the city's hotels and shopping arcades, but the mood remains one of suspicion, fear and uncertainty.
Many people in Myanmar liken the atmosphere to that in the period before pro-democracy demonstrations erupted in 1988. "Myanmar may be about to implode in the same way the authoritarian Eastern European regimes did more than a decade ago," predicts a senior European diplomat in Yangon.
(Inter Press Service)
By Larry Jagan
BANGKOK - Myanmar's top military leader Senior General Than Shwe has strengthened his control over the military and the government through a major shake-up of the army. But as a probe into the recent bomb blasts in the capital fails to make progress, exposing the military's in-fighting and weaknesses, many in Yangon believe major changes are in the air.
The country's No 2 man in green, Deputy Senior General Maung Aye, was effectively demoted in May when army chief General Thura Shwe Mann was promoted to the same rank, according to Western diplomatic sources in Yangon.
More significantly, the army has now been divided into two supreme commands. Thura Shwe Mann is in charge of the most important division, the northern region, while Maung Aye has been left as chief of the southern region, diplomats have said.
Tensions have existed between the top two military leaders since the sacking of prime minister General Khin Nyunt last October. "Maung Aye has been trying to increase his power and influence rather than trying to oust [his rival] Than Shwe," said an Asian diplomat who regularly deals with the regime.
But after months of deadlock over proposed promotions and changes regarding the 12 powerful regional commanders, Than Shwe has turned the tables and edged out the man he regards as his main rival. At least six of the regional commanders have been moved around.
Many of these changes apparently represent Than Shwe's concern to have his trusted generals placed in commands close to Yangon. The army shake-up was ordered during the latest quarterly meeting of the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), in late May.
The meeting took place as the army continued trying to unravel who was responsible for three major bomb blasts in the middle of Yangon three weeks ago. Although the junta says less than 20 people died in the explosions, there were more than 60 victims, including several soldiers.
The explosions, at several key commercial centers in the heart of Yangon, have rattled the regime. So stunned and shocked were Myanmar's military leaders that they have been lashing out at everyone: ethnic rebel groups, students, the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and Thailand have all been blamed.
"The regime is still in the dark as to who was behind the bombs and are chasing their tails," said another Asian diplomat in Yangon.
Than Shwe has taken control of the investigations, but his protege, Yangon commander and head of the new military intelligence branch, General Myint Swe, is in charge of the day-to-day operations with the help of the 11th Light Infantry Division based in the capital.
"The generals do not seem to trust the police to investigate the incident," according to Thai military intelligence sources.
The regime has also sought assistance from a former senior military intelligence officer, Major General Kyaw Win, who was deputy intelligence chief until his boss, Khin Nyunt, was arrested and his supporters purged.
But the regime has shunned offers of assistance from abroad, rejecting Thailand's help in the investigation and Washington's private offer of Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) forensic expertise. Chinese experts, however, are helping behind the scenes, according to sources in Yangon.
Many diplomats in the capital believe the regime will never really discover who was responsible for the bombs. Since the blasts, there have been rumors of other bombs being discovered and defused in time. A climate of fear exists in Yangon.
"Everyone is too frightened to talk, businessmen are keeping quiet and several top policemen are lying low and trying to get up-country for cover," said a foreign businessman with close links to the regime. Several other businessmen have been arrested and are being interrogated in the country's infamous Insein prison.
With threats of fresh bomb attacks having emerged in Yangon in recent weeks, flights in and out of the city are now being searched thoroughly for explosives.
The capital has become eerily empty since the blasts. Far fewer people than usual dare to step out to shop at the supermarkets, eat at restaurants or attend parties, according to Yangon residents. Taxis drivers are complaining that there are few potential customers.
And with the country's military rulers preoccupied with the probe, the two top generals, Than Shwe and Maung Aye, have reportedly put aside their differences for now. "Thura Shwe Mann's recent promotion has not been announced because Maung Aye wants it delayed," according to a military analyst in Yangon.
But further changes to the ruling SPDC and the cabinet are also in the pipeline, according to government officials. So far six regional commanders have been shuffled, but the key posts, including the crucial post of Yangon commander, remain unchanged.
The changes are almost certain to see Maung Aye's people replaced by Than Shwe loyalists - though without reducing the fine balance of power between the men.
"The present delay means that the two top men cannot agree on who should get the key positions," said a Southeast Asian diplomat who has dealt with Myanmar's leaders for years. But, he said, it is only a matter of time before a new power shift emerges with army chief Thura Shwe Mann taking a pivotal role.
Over the past six months there have been several major shake-ups of the cabinet, with ministers close to former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt purged. The intelligence apparatus has been completely dismantled.
Thousands of former intelligence officers and foot soldiers are out of work and desperate, while 40 of Khin Nyunt's top officers and aides have been sentenced to more than 100 years in jail for economic crimes and have had most of their valuables, including their wives' jewelry, confiscated.
The witch-hunt against Khin Nyunt loyalists has upset many in the military and police, who are convinced that most of the charges are trumped-up and part of a campaign against the former military intelligence and their networks.
"It's a form of cannibalism - the army is eating its own flesh," said a retired Myanmar military officer.
This has all contributed to growing resentment within the military and government. "All we are doing is putting innocent people in jail," a policeman investigating one of Khin Nyunt's senior generals confided to friends.
This growing disillusionment within the army has been fueled by the recent bomb blasts and the failure to find the culprits quickly. The military's trumpeted strength has also been severely undermined.
Soldiers have stepped up security around Yangon, especially at the city's hotels and shopping arcades, but the mood remains one of suspicion, fear and uncertainty.
Many people in Myanmar liken the atmosphere to that in the period before pro-democracy demonstrations erupted in 1988. "Myanmar may be about to implode in the same way the authoritarian Eastern European regimes did more than a decade ago," predicts a senior European diplomat in Yangon.
(Inter Press Service)
03 June 2005
Junta asks opposition party to co-operate
scmp - Thursday, June 2, 2005
AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE in Yangon
Myanmar's military rulers yesterday made unusually conciliatory remarks towards the leading opposition party for the second time in as many weeks, saying the time had come to work together.
A commentary published yesterday in Myanmar's Mirror newspaper, a government mouthpiece, urged the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD), led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, to co-operate with the junta.
It was published as politicians from Thailand, Vietnam and the Philippines again urged the regime to move towards national reconciliation and to respect human rights.
The statement said: "It is high time that all the national political forces, including the NLD, regard the Tatmadaw [military] government's recent overtures as blessings in disguise and work together in the interest of the nation."
Just days earlier, the Myanmese-language paper had published a commentary calling for dialogue with the NLD.
Both comments were linked to the 15th anniversary on May 27 of the NLD's victory in elections, organised by the military, which never recognised the results.
"The NLD should regard this as an official overture and respond positively," one veteran analyst said, calling the remarks both rare and significant.
NLD spokesman U Lwin said he felt the overtures were "unusual", considering the security crackdown in Yangon since a triple bombing on May 7 at shopping centres and a convention hall.
"We welcome the remarks and hope they will lead to something more significant," he said.
The NLD issued a statement that also called for "timely" dialogue with the ruling junta and ethnic minority groups on how to move towards democracy.
Mr Lwin said that while he hoped that Ms Suu Kyi and her deputy Tin Oo would be released from house arrest soon, it was not a pre-condition for dialogue.
He hinted that negotiations could take place if other NLD executives were allowed to meet with their top leaders, a liberty they were currently denied.
AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE in Yangon
Myanmar's military rulers yesterday made unusually conciliatory remarks towards the leading opposition party for the second time in as many weeks, saying the time had come to work together.
A commentary published yesterday in Myanmar's Mirror newspaper, a government mouthpiece, urged the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD), led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, to co-operate with the junta.
It was published as politicians from Thailand, Vietnam and the Philippines again urged the regime to move towards national reconciliation and to respect human rights.
The statement said: "It is high time that all the national political forces, including the NLD, regard the Tatmadaw [military] government's recent overtures as blessings in disguise and work together in the interest of the nation."
Just days earlier, the Myanmese-language paper had published a commentary calling for dialogue with the NLD.
Both comments were linked to the 15th anniversary on May 27 of the NLD's victory in elections, organised by the military, which never recognised the results.
"The NLD should regard this as an official overture and respond positively," one veteran analyst said, calling the remarks both rare and significant.
NLD spokesman U Lwin said he felt the overtures were "unusual", considering the security crackdown in Yangon since a triple bombing on May 7 at shopping centres and a convention hall.
"We welcome the remarks and hope they will lead to something more significant," he said.
The NLD issued a statement that also called for "timely" dialogue with the ruling junta and ethnic minority groups on how to move towards democracy.
Mr Lwin said that while he hoped that Ms Suu Kyi and her deputy Tin Oo would be released from house arrest soon, it was not a pre-condition for dialogue.
He hinted that negotiations could take place if other NLD executives were allowed to meet with their top leaders, a liberty they were currently denied.
02 June 2005
The Last Nail in the Coffin of Constructive Engagement
The Asian Tribune - 01 June 2005
By Prof. Kanbawza Win
In our world where business always overrules the conscience, it seems that the Constructive Engagement Policy initiated by the leaders of the core members of ASEAN towards Burma has finally met its doom. This is not because suddenly their twinge of conscience pop up but because they finally discovered that they will lose formidable trading partners of the Western countries if these ASEAN countries continue to ignore the gross human rights violations going on in Burma even as they continue to exploit Burma's natural and human resources. They now have to admit that there are much more civilized people in the World who would not ignore the suffering of the Burmese people and can easily turn their screws on these ASEAN values.
When the Burmese Junta came to power in 1988 killing thousands of peaceful demonstrators two schools of thoughts emerged as how to deal with this Burmese regime. One is to isolate the regime or at least to exclude from international financing (such as World Bank, IMF and ADB etc) and investment to force to regime to come to terms with the reality and was favoured by the West supported by Burmese pro-democracy and ethnic groups. The other was an open door policy, investing, trading and recognizing the Burmese Junta as a way to foster liberalization to create a more democratic form of government. This was christened as Constructive Engagement Policy by ASEAN.
Now after nearly one and half decade this Constructive Engagement Policy has become an adjective, a hall mark synonymous to the extent of the tragedy of 50 million plus people that did not move the proponents of democracy and free market. Several theories and hypothesis has been put up as reviving the official development assistance, promoting investment and even encouraging the NGOs to provide humanitarian assistance will bring the much-needed change in Burma. They label the pro democracy and the ethnic nationalities to be too impatient and unrealistic wanting an immediate transfer of power-full of Western style democracy and want an instant utopia. They argued that Constructive Engagement presented a rational approach, which takes into account existing realities and bring change in a controlled fashion. Now all these interpretation has come to a big Zero.
The very fact that Burma and other Indo-Chinese states were accepted in ASEAN itself is something like a marriage between a cock and a duck because they belong to the family of fowls (Southeast Asian countries). Hence it neither produced a duckling or a chicken nor is unable to swim (democracy) or peck (communist). Instead comes out an odd species somewhat similar to an ugly duckling (a power maniac) with a hope that one day will miraculously change into a high flying swan. Burma is exactly like this. Now it seems that it's no longer a question of whether you should talk to your neighbor who killed his sons, rape his daughters and beat up the wife but it's a question of whether that abusive neighbor should be the leader of your village called ASEAN.
Hence the question of self- respect arises for the people of ASEAN became pivotal. A new generation, better educated with much reasoning power that would not listen blindly to their leaders have crop up in Southeast Asia. They saw that the Constructive Engagement Policy as a thin guise to exploit Burma's natural and human resources for short-term gain and is indirectly propping up the regime with legitimacy. This is having a bad effect on their region and something must be done. Besides, witnessing the mammoth sufferings of the Burmese, the religious adherent began to question this illogical policy. The majority of the people in Thailand, Laos and Cambodia profess Buddhism; in Singapore the main religion is Confucian, while Brunei, Malaysia and Indonesia profess Islam and Philippines is Christian. Yet, not a speck of all these religious teachings were in Constructive Engagement Pol icy, in other words it paints the religious and moral bankruptcy of the region as a whole and ASEAN in particular.
Incidentally in the economic scene unlike China's manufacturing miracle or India's services magic, there doesn't seem to be a single compelling theme in ASEAN economy, especially after the 1997 financial crisis. There are multiple strategies, initiatives, and success and failure stories. This tends to create a new scenario in the ASEAN business leaders who all the time are conducted to follow the government lead and adapted their strategy to go where the wind is blowing. Now suddenly governments in the core ASEAN countries began to play a different tune. The refrain is one of the supporting roles, not the virtuoso lead as the previous past. The government are encouraging private enterprises to think for themselves and shape their own destiny. They are to be innovative and create their own future. This compels a major shift in the mindset of the boardrooms and managers, similar to that the ship captain was left without the compass. They will have to fend themselves off. So they began to look at the world especially to the West where much emphasis is given on the prevalence of democracy and human rights. As far as Burma is concerned they could not rest their laurels on a short-term gain and be tarnished as unscrupulous exploiter forever. In other words the Constructive Engagement Policy is too pungent to have a good business dealings.
Hence, the people began to question their parliamentary representative. These Members of Parliament began to speak out in their respective parliaments. Many a country unthinkable about a decade ago began to set up a parliamentary committee for the prevalence of democracy and human rights in Burma. The thinking of dominant one party dictatorship under the smokescreen of democracy of the region began to change. A classic example is Singapore, where hitherto PAP dominated by the "Father Son and the Holy Goh" was gone, when the Father and Holy Goh were in the annals of history and the son with its retinue of young Turks began to resent the accusation that Singapore's national character can be measure in dollars and cents, have now taken the initiative. At the last budget debate the S'pore government officials have a hard time answering to the quest of the parliamentarians questioning the Constructive Engagement Policy. It is the first time in the entire history of Singapore that has come out in the open, which was usually a closed-door affair as far as Burma and the hush hush narco dollars are concerned.
Parliamentary Committee on Burma has been formed in the core ASEAN countries of Thailand, Philippines, Indonesia and Malaysia and S'pore have joined the bandwagon. PAP representative Charles Chong has said that besides taking away the chairmanship from Burma their main goal is for the flowering of democracy and the release of political prisoners. Come June and one will witness that the parliamentary representatives of the core ASEAN countries of Thailand, Philippines, Indonesia and Malaysia will join the Singapore Members of Parliamentarian to form the ASEAN Inter Parliamentary Committee to pressure their respective governments.
It is also heartening to see that Malaysia Members of Parliament like Theresa Cock and Mr Lim talking very openly when the UMN0 is still a dominating power minus its helmsmen Dr Mahirthir Mohammad. Several representatives like Kraingsak Choonhaven of Thailand and several from Indonesia, Philippines have spoken out which we hope to bear fruit on ASEAN. Of course this is not because they are morally transformed but because they saw the writings on the wall that they will lose much with their Western Countries and international trading partners if they insist on this illogical policy. At last the Constructive Engagement Policy has pinch their pockets and they will have to move. They have witness that the nature of the Burmese Junta who will take one step forward to democracy by releasing the Nobel Laureate and taking two steps backwards by arresting her again. Indeed Than Shwe and its cohorts tried to assassinate her once and for all at Depayin, but the Military Intelligence chief Khin Nyunt knew it in advance and rescued her and for this he is now languishing in jail. How can a power maniac be the Chairman of this prestigious ASEAN?
One will have to welcome this positive move even though it had taken 15 years for ASEAN to understand the nature of the Burmese Junta while a Burmese democrat can understand it in 15 minutes. If the ASEAN had heeded to a soft whispering voice of a Burmese lady now in custody such costly and heartbreaking experience should have been avoided.
-----------------------
Prof. Kanbawza Win (Dr. B.T.Win): Incumbent Dean of Students of AEIOU Programme, Chiangmai University, Thailand. Senior Research Fellow at the European Institute of Asian Studies, Under the European Commission, Brussels, Belgium. Earlier Consultant to National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma. Editorial Consultant, "Asian Tribune."
By Prof. Kanbawza Win
In our world where business always overrules the conscience, it seems that the Constructive Engagement Policy initiated by the leaders of the core members of ASEAN towards Burma has finally met its doom. This is not because suddenly their twinge of conscience pop up but because they finally discovered that they will lose formidable trading partners of the Western countries if these ASEAN countries continue to ignore the gross human rights violations going on in Burma even as they continue to exploit Burma's natural and human resources. They now have to admit that there are much more civilized people in the World who would not ignore the suffering of the Burmese people and can easily turn their screws on these ASEAN values.
When the Burmese Junta came to power in 1988 killing thousands of peaceful demonstrators two schools of thoughts emerged as how to deal with this Burmese regime. One is to isolate the regime or at least to exclude from international financing (such as World Bank, IMF and ADB etc) and investment to force to regime to come to terms with the reality and was favoured by the West supported by Burmese pro-democracy and ethnic groups. The other was an open door policy, investing, trading and recognizing the Burmese Junta as a way to foster liberalization to create a more democratic form of government. This was christened as Constructive Engagement Policy by ASEAN.
Now after nearly one and half decade this Constructive Engagement Policy has become an adjective, a hall mark synonymous to the extent of the tragedy of 50 million plus people that did not move the proponents of democracy and free market. Several theories and hypothesis has been put up as reviving the official development assistance, promoting investment and even encouraging the NGOs to provide humanitarian assistance will bring the much-needed change in Burma. They label the pro democracy and the ethnic nationalities to be too impatient and unrealistic wanting an immediate transfer of power-full of Western style democracy and want an instant utopia. They argued that Constructive Engagement presented a rational approach, which takes into account existing realities and bring change in a controlled fashion. Now all these interpretation has come to a big Zero.
The very fact that Burma and other Indo-Chinese states were accepted in ASEAN itself is something like a marriage between a cock and a duck because they belong to the family of fowls (Southeast Asian countries). Hence it neither produced a duckling or a chicken nor is unable to swim (democracy) or peck (communist). Instead comes out an odd species somewhat similar to an ugly duckling (a power maniac) with a hope that one day will miraculously change into a high flying swan. Burma is exactly like this. Now it seems that it's no longer a question of whether you should talk to your neighbor who killed his sons, rape his daughters and beat up the wife but it's a question of whether that abusive neighbor should be the leader of your village called ASEAN.
Hence the question of self- respect arises for the people of ASEAN became pivotal. A new generation, better educated with much reasoning power that would not listen blindly to their leaders have crop up in Southeast Asia. They saw that the Constructive Engagement Policy as a thin guise to exploit Burma's natural and human resources for short-term gain and is indirectly propping up the regime with legitimacy. This is having a bad effect on their region and something must be done. Besides, witnessing the mammoth sufferings of the Burmese, the religious adherent began to question this illogical policy. The majority of the people in Thailand, Laos and Cambodia profess Buddhism; in Singapore the main religion is Confucian, while Brunei, Malaysia and Indonesia profess Islam and Philippines is Christian. Yet, not a speck of all these religious teachings were in Constructive Engagement Pol icy, in other words it paints the religious and moral bankruptcy of the region as a whole and ASEAN in particular.
Incidentally in the economic scene unlike China's manufacturing miracle or India's services magic, there doesn't seem to be a single compelling theme in ASEAN economy, especially after the 1997 financial crisis. There are multiple strategies, initiatives, and success and failure stories. This tends to create a new scenario in the ASEAN business leaders who all the time are conducted to follow the government lead and adapted their strategy to go where the wind is blowing. Now suddenly governments in the core ASEAN countries began to play a different tune. The refrain is one of the supporting roles, not the virtuoso lead as the previous past. The government are encouraging private enterprises to think for themselves and shape their own destiny. They are to be innovative and create their own future. This compels a major shift in the mindset of the boardrooms and managers, similar to that the ship captain was left without the compass. They will have to fend themselves off. So they began to look at the world especially to the West where much emphasis is given on the prevalence of democracy and human rights. As far as Burma is concerned they could not rest their laurels on a short-term gain and be tarnished as unscrupulous exploiter forever. In other words the Constructive Engagement Policy is too pungent to have a good business dealings.
Hence, the people began to question their parliamentary representative. These Members of Parliament began to speak out in their respective parliaments. Many a country unthinkable about a decade ago began to set up a parliamentary committee for the prevalence of democracy and human rights in Burma. The thinking of dominant one party dictatorship under the smokescreen of democracy of the region began to change. A classic example is Singapore, where hitherto PAP dominated by the "Father Son and the Holy Goh" was gone, when the Father and Holy Goh were in the annals of history and the son with its retinue of young Turks began to resent the accusation that Singapore's national character can be measure in dollars and cents, have now taken the initiative. At the last budget debate the S'pore government officials have a hard time answering to the quest of the parliamentarians questioning the Constructive Engagement Policy. It is the first time in the entire history of Singapore that has come out in the open, which was usually a closed-door affair as far as Burma and the hush hush narco dollars are concerned.
Parliamentary Committee on Burma has been formed in the core ASEAN countries of Thailand, Philippines, Indonesia and Malaysia and S'pore have joined the bandwagon. PAP representative Charles Chong has said that besides taking away the chairmanship from Burma their main goal is for the flowering of democracy and the release of political prisoners. Come June and one will witness that the parliamentary representatives of the core ASEAN countries of Thailand, Philippines, Indonesia and Malaysia will join the Singapore Members of Parliamentarian to form the ASEAN Inter Parliamentary Committee to pressure their respective governments.
It is also heartening to see that Malaysia Members of Parliament like Theresa Cock and Mr Lim talking very openly when the UMN0 is still a dominating power minus its helmsmen Dr Mahirthir Mohammad. Several representatives like Kraingsak Choonhaven of Thailand and several from Indonesia, Philippines have spoken out which we hope to bear fruit on ASEAN. Of course this is not because they are morally transformed but because they saw the writings on the wall that they will lose much with their Western Countries and international trading partners if they insist on this illogical policy. At last the Constructive Engagement Policy has pinch their pockets and they will have to move. They have witness that the nature of the Burmese Junta who will take one step forward to democracy by releasing the Nobel Laureate and taking two steps backwards by arresting her again. Indeed Than Shwe and its cohorts tried to assassinate her once and for all at Depayin, but the Military Intelligence chief Khin Nyunt knew it in advance and rescued her and for this he is now languishing in jail. How can a power maniac be the Chairman of this prestigious ASEAN?
One will have to welcome this positive move even though it had taken 15 years for ASEAN to understand the nature of the Burmese Junta while a Burmese democrat can understand it in 15 minutes. If the ASEAN had heeded to a soft whispering voice of a Burmese lady now in custody such costly and heartbreaking experience should have been avoided.
-----------------------
Prof. Kanbawza Win (Dr. B.T.Win): Incumbent Dean of Students of AEIOU Programme, Chiangmai University, Thailand. Senior Research Fellow at the European Institute of Asian Studies, Under the European Commission, Brussels, Belgium. Earlier Consultant to National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma. Editorial Consultant, "Asian Tribune."
01 June 2005
Two years on, Myanmar suffers from political paralysis
The Daily Times, Pakistan - May 30, 2005
The opposition lacks projects and policy. It's only objective is to remain legal
Two years after an ambush on a convoy of her National League for Democracy, Myanmar's pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi remains cut off from the world and her opposition party adrift and powerless, analysts said.
On May 30 2003, during a political tour, which drew thousands of supporters much to the irritation of the ruling military regime, the Nobel peace laureate and hundreds of young NLD members were set upon along the road to Depayin, in northern Myanmar.
While the government insisted the violence left just four people dead, witness testimony suggests as many as 100 were killed as NLD members were bludgeoned to death by proxies of the junta armed with iron bars.
The government's internal investigation into what it called the "Depayin incident" has never been published.
Some observers felt it was an assassination attempt on Suu Kyi, and the tragic events provoked worldwide indignation and triggered a new wave of repression against the opposition.
Two years on, Myanmar suffers from political paralysis.
The junta has launched what it calls a democracy "road map", ridiculed by the West for its refusal to engage the opposition.
Last year, it sacked prime minister Khin Nyunt who had supported dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi, and since has resisted repeated international calls for her release.
Other dispiriting signs include Myanmar's refusal to allow United Nations envoys Paolo Sergio Pinheiro or Razali Ismail into the impoverished country since November 2003 and March 2004, respectively.
"Things do not look bright. Time passes, but nothing happens," said one Western diplomat based in Yangon. "The situation is getting more tense."
In this sombre context, the NLD has chosen to patiently wait for better days rather than confront the junta, but a growing number of analysts have begun criticising their passivity.
"The opposition is lacking projects and policy, it's only objective is to remain legal," and they are waiting for Aung San Suu Kyi to "resurface and to take matters in hand," said a long-time Myanmar observer in Yangon. "It's a structural problem in Myanmar. When the boss is out no one wants to take a decision, therefore it's the status quo," he explained.
An increasing number of pro-democracy activists have grown frustrated with the NLD's refusal to reform and rejuvenate itself. The main opposition party is led by "uncles", a grouping of mostly withdrawn octegenarians unwilling to promote or embrace the young generation.
"A lot of party members have been asking that the leadership resign because they are not pro-active, their policy is dull and the leaders are very senior citizens", says Aung Zaw, editor of the exiled dissident monthly Irrawaddy magazine based in Thailand. As for Aung San Suu Kyi, without whom the NLD would have far less domestic support and international recognition, she has not been seen in public since the May 2003 ambush, nor has her deputy Tin Oo, who is also under house arrest.
"The 'Lady' is pretty silent these days. There is a lot of frustration going on", adds Aung Zaw, referring to Aung San Suu Kyi. "No one knows what she has been thinking, it seems she doesn't have any sort of proposals".
Aung San Suu Kyi was first placed under administrative detention in Insein Prison, where her conditions were criticised by the UN as being utterly deplorable.
Eventually she was transferred to her Yangon home in September 2003 after major surgery, and placed under house arrest for the third time since 1989. The only visits allowed to the isolated icon, who turns 60 next month, are from her personal doctor.
He now comes just once a month, and the junta has imposed strict body searches on him as he enters and leaves the premises, which would prevent him from carrying messages in and out.
The opposition lacks projects and policy. It's only objective is to remain legal
Two years after an ambush on a convoy of her National League for Democracy, Myanmar's pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi remains cut off from the world and her opposition party adrift and powerless, analysts said.
On May 30 2003, during a political tour, which drew thousands of supporters much to the irritation of the ruling military regime, the Nobel peace laureate and hundreds of young NLD members were set upon along the road to Depayin, in northern Myanmar.
While the government insisted the violence left just four people dead, witness testimony suggests as many as 100 were killed as NLD members were bludgeoned to death by proxies of the junta armed with iron bars.
The government's internal investigation into what it called the "Depayin incident" has never been published.
Some observers felt it was an assassination attempt on Suu Kyi, and the tragic events provoked worldwide indignation and triggered a new wave of repression against the opposition.
Two years on, Myanmar suffers from political paralysis.
The junta has launched what it calls a democracy "road map", ridiculed by the West for its refusal to engage the opposition.
Last year, it sacked prime minister Khin Nyunt who had supported dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi, and since has resisted repeated international calls for her release.
Other dispiriting signs include Myanmar's refusal to allow United Nations envoys Paolo Sergio Pinheiro or Razali Ismail into the impoverished country since November 2003 and March 2004, respectively.
"Things do not look bright. Time passes, but nothing happens," said one Western diplomat based in Yangon. "The situation is getting more tense."
In this sombre context, the NLD has chosen to patiently wait for better days rather than confront the junta, but a growing number of analysts have begun criticising their passivity.
"The opposition is lacking projects and policy, it's only objective is to remain legal," and they are waiting for Aung San Suu Kyi to "resurface and to take matters in hand," said a long-time Myanmar observer in Yangon. "It's a structural problem in Myanmar. When the boss is out no one wants to take a decision, therefore it's the status quo," he explained.
An increasing number of pro-democracy activists have grown frustrated with the NLD's refusal to reform and rejuvenate itself. The main opposition party is led by "uncles", a grouping of mostly withdrawn octegenarians unwilling to promote or embrace the young generation.
"A lot of party members have been asking that the leadership resign because they are not pro-active, their policy is dull and the leaders are very senior citizens", says Aung Zaw, editor of the exiled dissident monthly Irrawaddy magazine based in Thailand. As for Aung San Suu Kyi, without whom the NLD would have far less domestic support and international recognition, she has not been seen in public since the May 2003 ambush, nor has her deputy Tin Oo, who is also under house arrest.
"The 'Lady' is pretty silent these days. There is a lot of frustration going on", adds Aung Zaw, referring to Aung San Suu Kyi. "No one knows what she has been thinking, it seems she doesn't have any sort of proposals".
Aung San Suu Kyi was first placed under administrative detention in Insein Prison, where her conditions were criticised by the UN as being utterly deplorable.
Eventually she was transferred to her Yangon home in September 2003 after major surgery, and placed under house arrest for the third time since 1989. The only visits allowed to the isolated icon, who turns 60 next month, are from her personal doctor.
He now comes just once a month, and the junta has imposed strict body searches on him as he enters and leaves the premises, which would prevent him from carrying messages in and out.
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