Burma Update
News and updates on Burma28 June 2010
News on Burma - 28/6/10
Junta interrogates political prisoners on election – Zarni Mann Irrawaddy: Fri 25 Jun 2010 The Burmese military junta has been interrogating political prisoners since early June about their opinions of the upcoming election and their intentions for future political activity, according to the families of political prisoners.Than Than Win, the wife of Shwe Maung, a political prisoner being held in Mandalay Division, told The Irrawaddy that her husband said the special police came to his prison and asked him to give his opinion on the election and tell them whether he will continue his political activity when he gets released. She said her husband, who was sentenced to six years in prison for his involvement in the 2007 Saffron Revolution, told the special police that, if necessary, he will enter politics again. Family members of prisoners wait for their release in front of the Insein prison gate in Rangoon last year. (Photo: Reuters) Shwe Maung was tortured when he was arrested, and now has a heart condition and back pain. His wife requested that the prison authorities give him a medical examination outside the prison, but the authorities refused. The family of another political prisoner, Zaw Thet Htwe, also said the police have recently interrogated him. “The police asked Zaw Thet Htwe about his opinion of the election and what he is going to do when he gets outside,” they said. Zaw Thet Htwe is being detained in Taungyi Township, the capital of Shan State. He was chief sports editor at a journal in Rangoon when he was sentenced in 2008 to nine years in prison for helping Cyclone Nargis victims in the Irrawaddy delta. Ashin Gambira, a prominent monk and leader of the Saffron Revolution, has also been asked the same questions by authorities. Gambira was sentenced to 63 years in prison and is being held in Kalay prison, Sagaing Division. There are 2,157 political prisoners in Burma, according to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners-Burma (AAPP). Many of them were arrested in 2007 during the Saffron Revolution. Many in the international community have called on the junta to release all political prisoners, including pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, before the election to be held late this year—the first election in Burma since 1990. Although some political observers believe the junta will release a number of political prisoners before the election to improve its credibility with the international community, most believe the junta will release only low-profile political prisoners who won’t oppose the junta or the election. Wa army switch ‘inevitable’ – Nan Kham Kaew Democratic Voice of Burma: Fri 25 Jun 2010 The Wa army in northeastern Burma will one day have to join with the ruling military government because a country with more than one army is unacceptable, the junta has warned the group.A government delegation led by the head of Burma’s Northern Military Command, Win Thein, met with the 30,000-strong United Wa State Army (UWSA) on Tuesday after a bi-annual visit to China to discuss border security with officials in the country’s southern Yunnan province. Beijing has urged the Burmese government to maintain stability along its shared border following escalating tension over the UWSA’s reluctance to transform into a Border Guard Force, which would bring it under the wing of the Burmese army. Reports earlier this month of government workers returning to the volatile Wa region in Shan state suggests however that tension had eased. “[Win Thein] said there shouldn’t be various armed groups in one country; that is not supposed to happen,” a Wa official told DVB on condition of anonymity. “He said that sooner or later, we will definitely have to transform [into a border force] – there is supposed to be only one army in the country.” The government is desperately trying to shore up its support base prior to elections this year as it draws up a grand design for a future Union of Burma, with ethnic armies either assimilated into the Burmese army, or otherwise eliminated. The Wa official said that although the UWSA did not formally respond to the statement, it continues to urge peace with the government. The UWSA is Burma’s largest armed ethnic group and signed a ceasefire agreement with the government in 1989, although that is now looking tenuous. The group has also been labelled by the US government as one of the world’s top opium producers, although its output has significantly declined in the past decade. It has now reportedly switched to methamphetamine production, and a UN report released yesterday said Burma’s output of the drug has soared in the past year. “We wish for development in the region and more crops to be grown here, rather than poppy fields [for opium],” said the Wa official. “We asked the government whether they wanted peace or war with us.” He added that the group “has been busy” as it prepares for a visit by Chinese authorities to inspect whether poppy cultivation has been eliminated, but refused to elaborate on exactly how the group was preparing.The Shan Herald Agency for News reported however that it was organising a ‘”drug bonfire” to mark the International Day against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking on 26 June. The Wa also claims it is being assisted by the Chinese in the development of rubber plantations as a substitute for opium, with Beijing supplying farming equipment. Burma increases airport tax as tourism jumps – Wai Moe Irrawaddy: Fri 25 Jun 2010 Burmese authorities will double the airport tax for foreigners and increase it six times for Burmese citizens, two months after a new visa on-arrival was unveiled to boost tourism. The Department of Civil Aviation said on Wednesday that the airport passenger service charge will be increased to US $10 for each departing international passenger and 3,000 kyat ($3) for Burmese nationals starting on Thursday. Hot air balloons fly over the temple-studded plains of Pagan in January. Pagan, the ancient capital of Burma, is the popular tourist attraction of the country. (Photo: Reuters According to travel agents in Rangoon, the current airport tax for foreigner is $5 and 500 kyat for Burmese. However, travel agents said that the visa on-arrival, which started on May 1, has increased foreign arrivals by an estimated 100 percent. “Since the new visa regulations, tourism has been more developed,” said a travel agent staffer who spoke on condition of anonymity. She estimated that “more than double the number of tourists now visit.” Meanwhile, the London-based Cox & Kings global travel company said it will reintroduce tours to military-ruled Burma offering the first 13-day escorted trip leaving in October. The company previously withdrew from the country after Burmese pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi said tourism would prolong military rule and human rights violations in Burma. Cox & Kings said it changed its policy because Suu Kyi is reported to have said tourism should be encouraged if it is run through private firms with no link to the junta, according to Travel Trade Gazette. Visas to Burma were tightly restricted through for nearly five decades following a military coup in 1962. Foreigners who wanted to enter the country had to apply for a visa at a Burmese embassy and wait at least one week for approval, and they were frequently turned down. “I visited Burma two years ago,” recalled one Canadian tourist. “I applied at the Burmese embassy in Bangkok. The embassy said I had to wait for a week. I couldn’t wait, so I gave an agent money to get a visa in one day.” According to a notice at the Burmese immigration office, a visa on-arrival is $30 for a 28-day, non-extendable visa; $40 for a 70-day, extendable business visa or a 28-day extendable social visa; and $18 for a 24-hour transit visa. An individual must have a minimum of $300 and a family must have $600 to enter the country. The overstay fee for a tourist with a 28-day visa is $3 a day. Burma’s visa on-arrival carries a limitation in that foreigners are restricted from going to certain areas of the country. Myanmar elections mute ethnic voices – Brian McCartan Asia Times: Fri 25 Jun 2010 BANGKOK – Elections slated for later this year in Myanmar seem increasingly unlikely to democratically empower the country’s various ethnic minority groups, which combined account for over 30% of the population.While the ruling generals have touted the inclusiveness of their tightly controlled democratic transition, critics say the new constitution ignores ethnic demands for federalism while junta-drafted election laws prohibit the participation of the largest ethnic parties, some of which are attached to armed insurgent groups who for decades have fought for greater autonomy. The ruling junta has yet to announce a date for the elections, but many observers believe they will he held sometime in October. They will be the first polls held in Myanmar since 1990, when the opposition led by the National League for Democracy (NLD) swept to victory against military-sponsored parties, only to see the results annulled by the military before they could take power. The generals have made clear their intention to hold new polls and that the participation of the NLD and ethnic ceasefire and non-ceasefire groups is not essential to their credibility. The NLD announced on March 29 that it would not re-register under the new election laws, which it considered unfair because of regulations that bar Aung San Suu Kyi, the party’s detained leader, from contesting the polls. A number of NLD party leaders and other members have argued that non-participation plays into the regime’s hands by not providing an alternative to the junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and the National Unity Party (NUP). At least 39 other political parties have so far applied for registration with the newly formed election commission. Of those, only 15 are considered national parties, while many of the rest aim specifically to represent the interests of ethnic groups, including the Kachin, Kayin, Mon and Shan. The question of whether to participate in the elections has been as contentious an issue among ethnic political groups as it was with the NLD. Some see the electoral process as a sham for perpetuating military rule under the guise of democracy and advocate a boycott of the polls. Others believe the elections offer an unique chance to work from within the system and an alternative to the confrontation and armed struggle that has plagued Myanmar politics since independence from the UK in 1948. The second and third most successful parties in the 1990 elections after the NLD, the Shan National League for Democracy (SNLD) and the Arakan League for Democracy, have both supported the NLD’s stand and opted not to re-register their parties for the upcoming election. The SNLD’s decision was also based on the junta’s refusal to free its two top leaders, who were both arrested on political charges in 2005. Local contests Significantly, many of the ethnic-based parties are looking to contest seats in local legislatures rather than at the national level. With their relative small sizes, the high cost of party registration and their lack of a national voice, many aspiring ethnic politicians feel that their chances of success and ability to effect change are better on the local level. Parties representing larger ethnic groups, such as the Kachin State Progressive Party (KSPP), are seeking to contest the elections at all levels within their own states. Still other parties representing ethnic groups with much wider geographic coverage, such as the Kayin People’s Party (KPP) and the Shan Nationals Democratic Party (SNDP), intend to contest the election for both local legislatures and at the national level across several states and divisions. Competing for seats on state legislatures may have some real, if limited, advantages for ethnic aspirations. The new legislatures mandated by the 2008 constitution are a departure from the military-dominated “Peace and Development Committees” that currently decide policy in ethnic minority areas and are often a direct arm of the central government. Ethnic politicians hope that the local legislative bodies will be more representative of local communities and give them more say over affairs that matter to their ethnic constituents. With popular representation, there may be more opportunities for the promotion of local cultures and languages though influence over the media and education. Also important is to gain more influence and scrutiny over the exploitation of natural resources in ethnic minority areas. According to a recent report on the elections by the Transnational Institute, “Nevertheless, many ethnic leaders point out that they will have a legitimate voice for the first time. This will allow ethnic grievances, in the past too easily dismissed as the seditious rumblings of separatist insurgents, to be openly raised.” Without ethnic participation, the government backed, and largely ethnic Myanmar USDP and NUP will be calling the shots not only nationally, but also in the regional legislatures. While a far cry from the federalism that many ethnic leaders aspire for, the local legislatures offer the first forms of local autonomy since the post 1962 coup government of General Ne Win abolished ethnic councils established under the 1947 constitution. A post-independence federal system was promised as a result of a conference held at the town of Panglong in northern Myanmar between independence leader General Aung San and representatives of several ethnic groups. Federal principles agreed to at the conference were enshrined in the 1947 constitution, but by the late 1950’s many felt they had not been adequately implemented. Agitation for a more truly federalist system was a major cause of the 1962 military coup, which was carried out in the name of preserving national unity. Myanmar’s 2008 constitution keeps the seven ethnic states and creates seven new self-administered zones for less numerous ethnic groups such as the Pa-O, Kokang and Wa. However, it makes few other concessions to ethnic aspirations for federalism and power sharing between ethnic groups and the majority Myanmar population. During the 1993-2008 National Convention that drafted the constitution, calls by ethnic representatives for a federal union were ignored. There is growing evidence that the generals are seeking to undermine and split the ethnic vote at the upcoming elections. This is being done largely through the junta’s mass organization, the United Solidarity Development Association (USDA), and its newly formed political party, the USDP. Many members of the USDP are former military officers and current members of government who have resigned their ranks to participate in the polls. They have actively courted ethnic minorities to join the junta-backed USDP. In the case of the disenfranchised Muslim Rohingya in western Myanmar, that has taken the form of offering identity cards granting them formal citizenship in exchange for their votes. According to the exile-run media group Shan Herald Agency for News, USDP members have used the USDA and local government officials to canvass for votes and to pressure villagers in Shan State to sign their names on the party’s rolls. Shan leaders in Mandalay Division, where there are significant Shan populations, were approached in March to run as part of the USDP. The junta has also effectively blocked several of the major ethnic political players from taking part in the elections due to an impasse over the transformation of armed ceasefire groups into army-controlled border guard units. The regime’s seven-step “roadmap to democracy” had originally envisioned that the groups would either hand over their weapons or join the border guard force as a prelude to forming political parties and contesting the election. Pre-election tension That step was supposed to be accomplished before an election date was announced. Instead tensions have spiked between the junta and the ethnic militias as several deadlines have passed – the latest on April 28 – and the issue still remains unresolved. Over 20 ethnic insurgent groups have agreed to ceasefires with the junta since 1989 and have since largely run their own affairs. They consider retaining their weapons as a necessary protection until the generals can prove the sincerity of their political promises. Only a few, mostly small groups have agreed to the junta’s terms, including the National Democratic Army – Kachin (NDA-K) and the Kachin Defence Army (KDA). However, their political leaders have resigned and are now seeking to register respectively as the Union Democracy Party (Kachin State) and the Northern Shan State Progressive Party. The Kokang only agreed after a short offensive by the army drove out the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) in August 2009 and brought in new leadership. The new leadership quickly declared its support for the 2010 elections and formed a political party. Larger groups such as the United Wa State Party (UWSP), Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and the New Mon State Party (NMSP) have not been allowed to register parties for the election. Instead the regime has threatened to revoke the ceasefire status of groups and declare them illegal. Most recently tensions have increased in Mon State, where the NMSP has refused to meet with the military’s intelligence head Lieutenant General Ye Myint to discuss the border guard issue. The junta has threatened to use force if the Mon does not agree to a meeting. Keeping the ceasefire groups out of the polls may work to the generals’ electoral advantage. A June 2010 report by the Transnational Institute on the ethnic political situation described the ethnic ceasefire organizations, “in terms of history, membership, finance, and territorial control, the ceasefire forces far outweigh electoral parties in their ability to operate independently and, with an estimated 40,000 troops under arms, their existence was a continued reminder of the need for conflict resolution.” Both the Wa and the Kachin have said that they would like to support ethnic parties in the polls and negotiate the decommissioning of their armed wings with the new government after the elections. After two decades of unresolved political issues and disappointment in the 2008 constitution, they want to see proof of real political reform before agreeing to hand over their weapons. Indeed, the election commission has so far refused to accept the registration of three Kachin political parties. While two of the parties represent former ceasefire groups who have now become border guards, the KSPP has several former KIO members, including its leader, former KIO vice chairman Tu Ja. Some observers believe the party’s registration has yet to be approved because of these links. There is also a fear that the government will declare a state of emergency in the ceasefire areas, which would prohibit people standing for elections and voting. Already areas of southern Shan State and Karen State are unlikely to be allowed to vote due to a legal provision that says elections can only be held in areas free of conflict. This would mean that large portions of Myanmar would not be allowed to elect representatives to local or national legislatures. Border-based ethnic political organizations, many of which are attached to armed insurgent groups still fighting the government, will not be able to take part in the elections. Although they have seemingly declined in strength and influence in recent years, their message of equal rights and justice still resonates with many people who see the newly formed parties as junta stooges. Peace talks with the government will also have to wait until a new government is formed following the elections. A section of the Political Parties Registration Law prohibits registration to any party that is involved with groups engaged in armed rebellion or involved with groups declared as “unlawful associations”. The generals will be hard-pressed to prove the legitimacy of the elections without the participation of ethnic opposition parties or adequate ethnic representation. Should the ethnic groups continue to feel disempowered and a democratically elected pro-military government maintain the junta’s current confrontational policies, further conflict will be almost unavoidable and hinder the country’s supposed democratic transition. * Brian McCartan is a Bangkok-based freelance journalist. Life and times of a dictator – Bertil Lintner Asia Times: Fri 25 Jun 2010 Chiang Mai – When Myanmar military dictator General Ne Win was still alive, foreign pundits often postulated that the country would change for the better once he passed from the scene. The country would still be ruled by the military, they predicted, but by a younger generation of more reform-minded officers that would bring Myanmar, also known as Burma, out of the Dark Ages.Ne Win relinquished formal power in the late 1980s and pulled strings from behind the scenes leading up to his death in 2002. Did Myanmar change after that? Yes – but arguably for the worse. Repression intensified, with the number of political prisoners reaching into the thousands. Economic reforms put more money in circulation, but intensified already rampant corruption. The government spent even less on health and education while ramping up military spending. Today, the Myanmar military is more firmly entrenched in power than at any time since Ne Win’s coup d’etat in 1962, which ended a 14-year period of weak but functioning parliamentary democracy. Now the era of Myanmar’s current strongman, General Than Shwe, is drawing to an end. The 77-year-old general will soon retire and he has promised the country’s first democratic elections in 20 years to mark the transition. A new generation of pundits has predicted hopefully that Myanmar is on the cusp of positive change. They believe a hitherto unknown generation of Young Turks and other supposed closet liberals within the military will come to the fore and push the country in a more democratic direction. Elections, they predict, will at long last give civilian leaders some say over the country’s governance. In all likelihood, however, foreign pundits will be proven wrong yet again. Benedict Rogers’ highly readable new book shows why Myanmar’s military, even with Than Shwe’s imminent retirement, has no intention of giving up power any time soon. After this year’s polls Than Shwe may no longer be Myanmar’s de facto head of state, but he has ensured through that he and his by now immensely wealthy family will be well protected when the next generation of soldiers assume power. “Motivated by power and a determination to hold onto it,” Rogers writes, “Than Shwe will use any tool necessary, from detention, torture and violence against his opponents, to lies, deceit, delay and false promises to the international community, or the manipulation of astrology and religion to convince his own people.” There is scant evidence that the next generation of military officers will be any more liberal in their outlook than their predecessors – in the same way as Than Shwe’s generation certainly was no more broadminded after taking over from Ne Win. After half a century of wielding absolute power, the Myanmar military has developed its own ways of dealing with internal dissent and external criticism. And democratic reforms, even minor and gradual ones, are not part of that mindset, as Rogers’ book thoughtfully illustrates. Ne Win set the repressive agenda when he and the army seized power 48 years ago, and those ways have survived him through several of his successors. To be sure, Rogers does not feign objectivity in his assessment of Than Shwe’s life and times. As a member of Christian Solidarity Worldwide, a human-rights organization that specializes in religious freedoms, he has been a Myanmar activist for many years and openly declared his support for the country’s pro-democracy opposition. But that does not detract from this well-researched book. To the contrary, it is the first thorough study of Myanmar’s undisputed strongman. It chronicles with detail how Than Shwe rose from a lowly position as a junior postal clerk to the most powerful soldier in the military-run country. Joining the military as a teenager, he was always immensely loyal to his commanders, a trait the book argues was a key to his eventual success. Those who questioned their superiors and official policies were ruthlessly purged under the new military order that Ne Win introduced after 1962. Despite claims in his own official glorified biography, Than Shwe did not see as much combat as other top army officers who fought in jungle battlefields against ethnic insurgent groups. Rather he was attached to the military’s Psychological Warfare Department and, later, the grandly named Central School of Political Science, where officers and other soldiers were taught Ne Win’s “Burmese Way to Socialism” ideology. Rogers quotes one of his inside sources as saying that Than Shwe “never talked about the country and its prospects with me. He seemed only focused on pleasing the higher officers and leaders. He always praised the leaders and never showed any ambition. He was certainly proud of being a soldier. He followed orders … very carefully.” Rogers traces Than Shwe’s rise through Myanmar’s post-World War II period, the short-lived democratic era in the 1950s, and the disastrous years of austere socialism in the 1960s and 1970s which brought on the 1988 popular uprising and its bloody suppression. In 1992, Than Shwe became chairman of the ruling junta, known then as the State Law and Order Restoration Council, or SLORC. He was promoted following the resignation of his predecessor General Saw Maung, who had become increasingly erratic. Once in a position of absolute power, the postman-cum-tyrant, to use Rogers’ description of Than Shwe, was surprisingly durable. Over the years he displayed an unprecedented megalomania among Myanmar military leaders. Few could have guessed that the often sullen and always taciturn soldier would endeavor to build a new capital city, Naypyidaw, or “the Abode of Kings”, from an obscure patch in the jungle. Nor did many foresee that he would replace Myanmar’s original national philosophy of “unity in diversity” with a new concept of a unitary state in honor of the country’s ancient warrior kings and empire-builders, Anawratha, Bayinnaung and Alaungpaya. Many believe his construction of the new capital city aims to leave behind a “Fourth Myanmar Empire” as a legacy of his rule. It is unclear how Than Shwe’s promised democratic transition fits with those kingly designs. Whether Myanmar holds elections this year, next year, or never, all the structures he put in place signal that the military is geared to remain in power for the foreseeable future. Rogers correctly portrays Than Shwe and his military henchmen as modern-day “tyrants” – and history shows that from a position of power tyrants have seldom negotiated their own demise. Anyone who believes that a post-Than Shwe Myanmar is headed in a democratic direction should read this valuable book. Than Shwe: Unmasking Burma’s Tyrant by Benedict Rogers with a foreword by Vaclav Havel. Silkworm Books (May 2010). ISBN – 978-974-9511-91-6. Price US$20, 256 pages. Bertil Lintner is a former correspondent with the Far Eastern Economic Review. He is currently a writer with Asia Pacific Media Services. More North Korean rockets reported in Burma – Min Lwin and Wai Moe Irrawaddy: Thu 24 Jun 2010 North Korean-made truck-mounted multiple launch rocket systems have been reportedly set up at Burmese army bases in northern, eastern and central Burma, according to military sources.The North Korean rockets were recently delivered to missile operation commands in Mohnyin in Kachin State, Naungcho and Kengtung in Shan State and Kyaukpadaung in Mandalay Division, sources said. Missile operation commands were reportedly formed in 2009. It is not clear when the multiple launch rocket systems were shipped from North Korea. However, military sources said delivery of rocket launchers mounted on trucks occurred several times in recent years. The North Korean troop with M1985 multiple launch rocket system. (Source: www.military-today.com) Sources said they witnessed at least 14 units of 240-mm truck-mounted multiple launch rocket systems arrive at Thilawa Port near Rangoon on the North Korean vessel, Kang Nam I, in early 2008. Previous reports said Burma had purchased 30 units of 240-mm truck-mounted multiple launch rocket systems from North Korean. According to GlobalSecurity.org, North Korea produces two different 240mm rocket launchers, the 12-round M-1985 and the 22-round M-1991. The M-1985 rocket pack is easily identified by two rows of six rocket tubes mounted on a cab behind an engine chassis. The M-1991 is mounted on a cab over an engine chassis. Both launch packs can be adapted to a suitable cross-country truck. The Kang Nam I was believed enroute to Burma again in June 2009. However, it reversed course and returned home after a US Navy destroyer followed it amid growing concern that it was carrying illegal arms shipments. However, more arms shipments from North Korea appear to have been delivered to Burma in 2009-2010. The latest report about a North Korean vessel’s arrival was in April. The ship, the Chong Gen, docked at Thilawar port. Last week, the junta acknowledged that the Chong Gen was at the port, but it denied involvement in any arms trading with Pyongyang, saying Burma follows UN Security Council resolution 1874 which bans arms trading with North Korea. The junta said the North Korean vessel came to Burma with shipments of cement and exported rice. According to reports by Burma military experts Maung Aung Myoe and Andrew Selth, purchasing multiple-launch rocket systems is a part of the junta’s military modernization plan. While the junta has acquired 107-mm type 63 and 122-mm type 90 multiple-launch rocket from China, North Korea has provided it with 240-mm truck-mounted launch rocket. Some experts have said North Korea is also involved in a secret relationship with Burma for the sale of short and medium-range ballistic missiles and the development of underground facilities. Other experts and Burmese defectors claim that North Korea is also providing Burma with technology designed to create a nuclear program. Burma severed its relationship with North Korea in 1983 following North Korean agents’ assassination of members of a South Korean delegation led by President Chun Doo Hwan. The two countries restored relations in early 1990s and officially re-establish diplomatic ties in April 2007. Starting trade union unlawful, police say – Myint Maung Mizzima News: Thu 24 Jun 2010 New Delhi – Aspiring trade unionists had their request to form a national industrial and farm workers union flatly rejected yesterday by police carrying the response from junta leader Senior General Than Shwe, according to the workers’ representatives.Rangoon Division Western District Police Colonel Aung Daing met seven workers’ representatives at his station and told them forming a trade union would be “unlawful” and that police would take action if they went ahead. Twenty-two trade union activists including eminent labour rights lawyer Pho Phyu had told the junta leader in a letter that they intended to form a “Trade Union for the Protection of National Industrial Workers’ and Farmers’ Interests” and asked for permission to do so. “No right at all to form such union. It’s unlawful, they told us”, Pho Phyu said. According to Pho Phyu, they responded to authorities that to protect the rights of workers and farmers that they would go ahead with their plan at the risk of being arrested and imprisoned. “The working people and Burmese citizens have suffered bitterly for many years, even many decades. Now it’s time for a trade union for them”, he said. But this was not the first rejection or fierce reaction from authorities Pho Phyu has experienced. He represented farmers whose lands were seized by the army and then he himself was imprisoned last March. He was released from prison just three months ago. If they went ahead with their trade union, it would be considered “unlawful association” and a violation of the law. Moreover publishing and printing about this organisation will be in violation of the printers and publishers act and will be subjected to stern action, Aung Daing told the workers’ representatives. In the early morning on the same day, Labour Department Director-General Thet Naing Oo also met trade union leaders and told them to wait until the new government takes office after the general election. Though it was a private meeting, about 20 intelligence personnel watched the unionists and took photographs and video recordings. Tin Oo, vice-chairman of main opposition party, the National League for Democracy , said the government should not make such a prohibition. Other trade union leaders who met with authorities are Par Lay and Win Naing from Taungdwingyi, Kyi Lin from South Dagon Township, Ma Nwe Yee Win from Tharyarwady, Khaing Thazin from Hlaingtharyar and Aye Chan Pye from Shwepyithar. Federation of Trade Unions of Burma (FTUB) joint general-secretary Dr. Zaw Win Aung said, “The regime should enact laws permitting freedom in forming of trade unions and they should eliminate all hurdles and obstacles in this regard”. Out of the more than 2,100 political prisoners behind bars, 15 are trade union activists, based in Thailand, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners-Burma (AAPP-B) joint general-Secretary Bo Kyi said. The successive military regimes have banned and deprived of right to freedom of association in Burma since 1962. But at least 10 labour strikes since last December, staged by workers demanding for better wages and working environment have taken place at private industries since last December. PM’s party enticing Muslims – Aye Nai Democratic Voice of Burma: Thu 24 Jun 2010 Burma’s minority Muslim population will be issued with identification cards and allowed to freely travel the country if they make the right vote in elections, the party headed by Burma’s prime minster has reportedly said.The Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) has been campaigning in the country’s western Arakan state and appears to be targeting Muslims for votes. One man in Sandwoy town said that local authorities were urging them to join the party. “It is likely that [the USDP] has no chance in recruiting Buddhist residents after the [September 2007] monk-led protests so they are now targeting Muslims, promising them ID cards and travel permission,” he told DVB. Muslims are widely persecuted by the Buddhist ruling junta in Burma; the ethnic Rohingya minority in particular is denied any sort of legal status and thousands have now fled to Bangladesh. The government claims that four percent of Burmese are practising Muslims, but the US state department claims the figure could be as high as 30 percent. He said that Muslims tired of the restrictions placed on them by the government “very much agreed to join the party”. A USDP leader and former government transport minister, Thein Swe, arrived in Sandwoy earlier this month and “summoned Muslim leaders [to talk about] the ID cards and the travel permission”. “He assured these things will be OK because [Burmese junta chief] Than Shwe has also given his approval. He said a minister-level discussion was underway and told [Muslims] to wait one or two months and the travel issues will be OK.” But a number of Buddhists in the town have reportedly spoken of their disappointment at the number of Muslims joining the party, which is widely tipped to win the elections later this year. The Sandwoy man said that the issue could trigger tension between the two religious groups. “Burma has a majority Buddhist populaton but even [Buddhists] are being oppressed so it will be impossible for Muslims to get more privileges than [Buddhists],” he said. Earlier this week the USDP was asked by an election candidate to ensure it had severed ties with the ruling junta prior to the polls. Phyo Min Thein, head of the Union Democratic Party (UDP), said the lines between the USDP and the government were blurred. Other hopefuls for Burma’s first elections in two decades have complained that preferential treatment given to the USDP has hindered the chances of other parties running for office. The USDP’s social wing, the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), allegedly began canvassing voters some weeks ago, while reports of coercion of civilians by the USDA have already surfaced. China weapons giant to mine Burma – Francis Wade Democratic Voice of Burma: Thu 24 Jun 2010 One of China’s biggest weapons manufacturers is to begin developing a copper mine in central Burma after agreeing to terms with the Burmese government earlier this month.A statement on the website of the state-owned China North Industries Corp (or Norinco) said the project will serve the dual purpose of “strengthening the strategic reserves of copper resources in [China], and enhancing the influence of our country in Myanmar [Burma]”. Norinco also bills itself as an engineering company. At the beginning of June a top-level Chinese delegation, including prime minister Wen Jiabao, spent five days in Burma to ink a raft of new trade deals and mark the 60th anniversary of China-Burma diplomatic relations. It was during this visit that Wen oversaw the agreement for Norinco to take charge of the Monywa mine in Sagaing division. China’s investments in Burma are soaring and will soon match those of Thailand and Singapore, the pariah state’s two main economic backers. The China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) has already begun work on the multi-billion dollar Shwe pipeline pipeline project, while Beijing has been busily damming Burma’s major rivers to feed its energy-hungry population. Investment in Burma’s mines provides the ruling junta with one of its largest sources of legal foreign capital, behind hydropower and gas. The Monywa area is rich in copper, and operations there had been dominated by Canadian giant Ivanhoe Mines until it allegedly withdrew in March 2007 and transferred ownership to The Monywa Trust. At its peak the mine had been producing some 39,000 tonnes of copper per year. The Norinco statement said only that the two countries agreed a “cooperation contract” but did not mention who the other party in the project was. The agreement was signed by Norinco general manager, Zhang Guoqing. Tin Maung Htoo, from the Canadian Friends of Burma (CFOB), says however that Ivanhoe transferred its lot to a blind trust who have taken “[responsibility] for the firm’s 50 percent stake in Monywa copper project, officially known as Myanmar Ivanhoe Copper Company Limited [MICCL],” thereby meaning that Ivanhoe has retained some presence in the project. The managing director of MICCL, Glenn Ford, told DVB however that MICCL “has nothing to do with the Norinco project” and that Ivanhoe Mines had nothing to do with MICCL, which was blacklisted in July 2008 by both the EU and US for its “key financial backing” of the Burmese regime. Norinco was also sanctioned by the US in 2003 for its ongoing weapons sales to Iran, with the White House calling the company a “serial proliferator”. Tin Maung Htoo said that the company’s contract with Burma was an “apparent copper for weapons deal”. China also happens to be Burma’s biggest arms supplier. GlobalSecurity.org claims that Norinco’s “main business is supplying products for the Chinese military”, and has a registered capital of US$30 billion. The value of China-Burma trade in the 2008-2009 fiscal year was US$2.6 billion. Myanmar restricts political activity ahead of polls Agence France Presse: Wed 23 Jun 2010 Yangon — Members of political parties contesting Myanmar’s first elections in two decades will be banned from marching, waving flags and chanting to garner support, under rules announced Wednesday.The directive, which did not reveal a date for the polls, requires party members who want to gather and deliver speeches at places other than their offices to apply for a permit one week in advance, according to state media. The rules prohibit “the act of marching to the designated gathering point and the venue holding flags, or marching and chanting slogans in procession” in a bid to enlist members, the New Light of Myanmar newspaper said. Parties must have at least 1,000 members to contest the nationwide election. Holding knives, weapons and ammunition are also banned, along with acts that harm security and the rule of law or tarnish the image of the military. Misuse of religion for political gains is also not allowed, state media said. Critics have dismissed the election — which is scheduled for some time later this year — as a sham due to laws that have effectively barred opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from participating. The United States said Tuesday that the polls will “not be free or fair and will lack international legitimacy”. Suu Kyi’s party won the last polls in 1990 but was never allowed to take office. Her National League for Democracy (NLD) was forcibly dissolved last month under widely criticised laws governing the polls. The NLD refused to meet a May 6 deadline to re-register as a party — a move that would have forced it to expel Suu Kyi, who is under house arrest — and is boycotting the vote. Under election legislation unveiled in March, anyone serving a prison term is banned from being a member of a political party and parties that fail to obey the rule will be abolished. The latest directive for drumming up support among voters has upset some parties who fear they will make it harder to connect with people. “The political parties will be in a tight corner because of these rules,” said Ye Tun, chairman of the 88th Generation Student Youths (Union of Myanmar), which despite its name is pro-government. “We are in difficult position to work in some places. They restricted our movements such as holding flags.” But other parties welcomed the rules, saying they could have been even more restrictive. “We can transform from party politics to people politics if we can get in touch with the people through party meetings,” said Phyo Min Thein, chairman of the Union Democratic Party. A faction from within the disbanded NLD has applied to form a new political party, to be called the National Democratic Force, in a bid to advance the movement’s two-decade campaign to end military rule. According to official figures, 36 out of 42 groups which have applied to form political parties have been registered. NLD leaders tour Burma – Lawi Weng Irrawaddy: Wed 23 Jun 2010 Despite being disbanded for failing to register for this year’s upcoming election, the National League for Democracy (NLD) remains active, sending senior members to branch offices around Burma to discuss strategy. On Sunday, Win Tin, an NLD executive member, traveled to Karen State to meet with former party members. “I told them not to vote in the election,” he said, speaking to The Irrawaddy on Wednesday. Win Tin, who was accompanied by two other party members from the the NLD’s Rangoon headquarters, said he also urged the members in Karen State to boycott the pro-junta Union Solidarity and Development Party, led by Prime Minister Thein Sein, and the National Unity Party, formed from late dictator Ne Win’s authoritarian Burma Socialist Programme Party. “The purpose of the trip was to consolidate party unity and listen to the voices of members who face difficulties since the party decided not to register. We also wanted to tell them that we will not abandon them. We will continue to work more actively in politics,” said Win Tin. Nyan Win, an NLD spokesperson, said that party leader Aung San Suu Kyi agreed with the trips. So far, senior party members from Rangoon have traveled to party offices in Shan, Karen and Mon states and Mandalay, Pegu and Irrawaddy divisions. “It is important to meet with our members during these difficult times,” said Nyan Win. The NLD decided not to register to run in the election because the 2008 Constitution bans Suu Kyi and other detained political leaders from participating. The NLD won a landslide victory in Burma’s last election in 1990. Since deciding not to register for the election, the party has been unable to hold meetings at their offices, release official statements or engage in any other political activities. “We traveled to see our members because we heard some of them are having trouble running their offices since the party was dissolved,” said Ohn Kyine, a central executive committee member of the NLD who recently visited the party’s office in Mandalay. “We want to know how they are dealing with the situation.” Senior members of the NLD said they will continue to work for the Burmese people through humanitarian projects to support families of political prisoners, HIV/AIDS patients and Nargis victims. “We will work in public politics and social politics even without party registration,” said Win Tin. During his trip to Karen State, Win Tin also visited pagodas and met a Karen abbot known as Taungkalay Sayadaw to talk about national reconciliation and the current political situation. Meanwhile, eight senior members of the NLD met with Robin Lerner, counsel of the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee and assistant to one-time US presidential candidate, John Kerry, yesterday. “She asked us about our current situation and our future plans and what we will do after the election,” said Nyan Win. The US said on Wednesday that the election will not be free and fair and will lack international legitimacy. No date has yet been set for the vote, the first in 20 years. China remains silent on Burma’s nuclear ambitions – Hseng Khio Fah Shan Herald Agency for News: Wed 23 Jun 2010 While the international community and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) have been in grave concern on Burma’s nuclear weapons program with North-Korea’s support, its neighboring country, China has been conspicuously silent about it, say Burma Army observers on the Sino-Burma border.The reason is because China had acted as a facilitator between the two countries, according to Aung Kyaw Zaw, a well-known Burma watcher. Burma and North-Korea suspended their relations in 1983, after members of a high profile delegation from South-Korea were assassinated by North-Korean agents while they were on a visit to Burma, known since then as the Mausoleum massacre. China later had arranged a rapprochement between the two because it was unable to sell Burma other than conventional weapons, according to him. “China is therefore partly responsible for the junta’s nuclear program,” he said. “But it should at least know that letting Burma to do whatever it wants is dangerous. It should have also realized that the junta military, from top to bottom, is unhappy with China. What happened at Kokang (last year) and Mongkoe (in 2000) should serve as examples.” On 24 October 2000, a faction of the Mongkoe Defence Army (MDA), a breakaway group from Kokang, had mutinied. A month later, the mutineers were executed by the Burma Army and the MDA leader Mong Sala put in jail and the territory occupied by the Burma Army. Likewise, in 2009 August, Kokang was attacked by the military junta and its territory has been occupied by the Burma Army since. According to Aung Kyaw Zaw, the military junta has maintained relations with China because of military weapons and economic needs. Burma’s nuclear program can be dangerous not only to western countries but also to ethnic groups in its country, according to him. “They might use these nuclear weapons to destroy any group that opposes them,” he said. There are two main reasons Burma wants to have nuclear weapons: to stay in power and to use them as a deterrent to western countries if they interfere in its domestic affair. Burma has reportedly been planning this nuclear weapons program since 2000 and has been sending up to 10,000 officers to Russia to study nuclear technology since 2002. At the same time, there have been reports that Burma is hosting two Pakistani nuclear experts who took sanctuary in Burma after being accused by the CIA of helping Osama bin Laden to build nuclear weapons. There are 9 countries that have nuclear warheads including North-Korea, that reportedly has 4-8 nuclear warheads. Than Shwe the third ‘worst of the worst’ Irrawaddy: Wed 23 Jun 2010 In an article titled “The Worst of the Worst,” Foreign Policy magazine named junta chief Snr-Gen Than Shwe the world’s third worst dictator, with North Korean leader Kim Jong Il ranked No 1 and Zimbabwe president Robert Mugabe No 2.Than Shwe, Kim Jong Il and Mugabe were pictured on the magazine cover with the caption, “The committee to destroy the world.” Than Shwe, who has been ruling Burma by force for almost 20 years, was described by Foreign Policy as a “heartless military coconut head whose sole consuming preoccupation is power.” (Source: Foreign Policy) The article said the Burmese dictator has decimated the opposition with arrests and detentions, denied humanitarian assistance to his people in the wake of Cyclone Nargis, which devastated Burma in May 2008, and thrived off a black market economy and natural gas exports. “This vainglorious general bubbling with swagger sports a uniform festooned with self-awarded medals, but he is too cowardly to face an honest ballot box,” the article said. Kim Jong Il, in power for 16 years, was described as a personality-cult-cultivating isolationist. Foreign Policy said Kim has pauperized his people, allowed famine to run rampant, thrown hundreds of thousands in prison camps and spent his country’s resources on a nuclear program. Robert Mugabe, in power for 30 years, was described as a liberation “hero” in the struggle for independence who has since transformed himself into a murderous despot. He was condemned by Foreign Policy for arresting and torturing the opposition, squeezing his economy into astounding negative growth and billion-percent inflation and funneling off a juicy cut for himself using currency manipulation and offshore accounts. The article named 23 world dictators in total, including the leaders of Uganda, Rwanda, Cuba, China, Iran, Venezuela, Sudan, Ethiopia and Egypt. Myanmar vote will ‘lack international legitimacy’: US Agence France Presse: Wed 23 Jun 2010 Washington — The United States said that elections planned in military-run Myanmar this year will “lack international legitimacy.”“US believes elections planned for this year in Burma will not be free or fair and will lack international legitimacy,” the State Department said on the micro-blogging site Twitter, using Myanmar’s former name of Burma. US Senator Jim Webb said earlier this month he expected Myanmar to hold elections on October 10 and urged support for the vote despite the military regime’s exclusion of the democratic opposition. Webb is a leading US advocate for engagement with the junta, although he called off a trip to Myanmar this month due to allegations the country was developing nuclear weapons with support from North Korea. Myanmar plans to hold its first elections in two decades later this year, although the regime has not set an exact date. The Obama administration last year initiated dialogue with North Korea but has voiced concern about the elections, ahead of which Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy was forcibly dissolved. Webb acknowledged that the election was designed to preserve the military regime, but said it was a step forward that the country would allow at least some opposition figures to stand for seats. Union Election Commission issues Directive No.2/2010 New Light of Myanmar: Wed 23 Jun 2010 Nay Pyi Taw – The Union Election Commission issued Directive No.2/2010 dated 21 June 2010. The informal translation of the directive is as follows:- Union of Myanmar NLD top leaders take roadshow to grass roots – Myint Maung Mizzima News: Tue 22 Jun 2010 New Delhi – Leaders of the National League for Democracy are conducting a roadshow of states and divisions to meet grass-roots members, explain policies and listen to the challenges they are facing since the party was declared illegal and disbanded by the ruling military junta early last month after deciding against registering under “unjust” electoral laws, a senior leader said. The tour comes at the request of NLD general secretary Aung San Suu Kyi, central executive committee member Ohn Kyaing said. From June 12, NLD central executive committee members Ohn Kyaing and Kyi Win have been on a tour set to take in Moegyoke, Thapatekyin, Mattaya, Patheingyi, Meiktila, Myinchan, Kyaukpadaung, Nyaung Oo in Mandalay Division and Pakokku in Magway Division. Similarly, central executive committee members Dr Win Tin and Han Tha Myint, and Bahan Township NLD chairman Aung Myint, have been touring Karen State since Saturday, Suu Kyi’s 65th birthday. “We will not hold political meetings, issue political statements or direct the grass roots of the party. But we do need to find out about conditions on the ground,” Ohn Kyaing told Mizzima. “Aung San Suu Kyi told us to meet our political colleagues and listen to their difficulties.” Suu Kyi issued the directive to listen to grass-roots voices when she met her lawyer Nyan Win. At the meeting, she asked the leaders to carry the message to township leaders that although the NLD had been barred from political activities, the group should continue working for national reconciliation, human rights and democracy as a leading political opposition group. In the states and divisions visited so far during the NLD tours, the senior party executives explained to grass-roots party members the nature of the junta’s one-sided and unjust electoral laws and the party’s decision against re-registering with the junta’s Union Election Commission (UEC). Township members said they supported the party’s decisions and that they would follow unanimously the leadership of Suu Kyi and party policy, the party sources said. Ohn Kyaing said: “Aung San Suu Kyi, party’s vice-chairman Tin Oo and CEC member Win Tin told us to carry out non-profit social services under a political agenda.” CEC members met grass-roots party leaders Thein Tan and Dr. Zaw Myint Maung, NLD leaders in Mandalay Division. NLD members Myo Naing and Maung Maung Than also attended. Ohn Kyaing said the team would visit townships in Magway including Pakkoku after Mandalay. A group led by Win Tin has since Saturday visited Hlaingbwe and Phaan in Karen State. He called in on the party grass roots in Mandalay, Pegu (Bago) and Rangoon Divisions early this year. The junta’s new look Irrawaddy: Tue 22 Jun 2010 Is this photo a sneak preview of what civilian rule in Burma will look like?While many observers predict that the end of military rule will bring no more than superficial change, they may not have realized just how cosmetic it will be. After years of wearing the same old uniforms, it seems that Prime Minister Thein Sein and his entourage of government ministers couldn’t wait to make a statement that would really tell the world that Burma is about to break out of the straitjacket of military rule. The photo shows Thein Sein et al welcoming visiting Laotian Prime Minister Bouasone Bouphavanh (wearing a business suit) at a military compound in Naypyidaw on Monday. From head to toe, they are dressed in nothing but the best in traditional Burmese finery: gaungbaung headdresses, immaculately white taikpon jackets, brightly colored silk longgyi and velvet sandals normally reserved for Buddhist novitiation ceremonies. Along with Thein Sein, 26 other generals resigned from the military in April to take part in this year’s election as political candidates for the pro-junta Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), including many who appear in this photograph. The USDP has been officially registered by Burma’s election commission and currently faces criticism from other political parties that its inclusion of government ministers violates election laws. Their ostentatious fashion statement notwithstanding, it is interesting to note that the ministers who appear in this photograph are standing stiffly at attention—more like good soldiers than ministers greeting a foreign dignitary. Burma’s nuclear ambition is apparently real and alarming – Robert Kelly Nation (Thailand): Tue 22 Jun 2010 The evidence presented in the Democratic Voice of Burma’s documentary, “Burma’s Nuclear Ambitions”, is thorough, compelling and alarming. Although Burma’s pursuit of nuclear weapons has long been rumoured, the documentary contains new information from a recent defector who provided DVB with photographs, documents and a view from inside the secretive military that should finally put to rest any doubt about Burma’s nuclear ambition. The evidence includes chemical processing equipment for converting uranium compounds into forms for enrichment, reactors and bombs. Taken altogether in Burma’s covert programme, they have but one use – nuclear weapons. Prior to the airing of the documentary, the DVB invited a team of international experts, including individuals with experience in military tunneling, missiles, nuclear proliferation, and weapons inspections protocol to review its information and assess its conclusions. The evidence was so consistent – from satellite images to blueprints, colour photographs, insider accounts and detailed budgets – and so copious that I agreed to appear in the documentary to offer my advice concerning Burma’s nuclear ambitions. As a former Los Alamos analyst and a director of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), I have spent 30 years investigating allegations of this nature. After a careful review of the information, I became convinced that Burma’s pursuit of nuclear technology violates the limits imposed on it by its agreements with the IAEA. I authored a report on the findings, “Nuclear Activities in Burma”, which explains the evidence and concludes that Burma is probably in violation of several international agreements concerning nuclear proliferation. However, the IAEA is limited in its leverage over Burma, which has failed to upgrade its two obsolete IAEA agreements and failed to execute a new IAEA agreement called the “Additional Protocol”, which would give the IAEA greater powers to question Burma and demand inspections in the country. The Additional Protocol was a priority of former IAEA director-general and Nobel Peace Prize winner Mohamed El Baradei. In May, Chad became the 100th country to sign the Additional Protocol, while only a few remain outside its reach, including Iran and Syria. Burma also shields itself from questions and inspections using another out-of-date agreement called a “Small Quantities Protocol”. This exempts states that only have small amounts of nuclear materials and no nuclear facilities from IAEA inspections and close oversight. The new evidence presented in the DVB documentary makes a compelling case that Burma’s pursuit of nuclear weapons now places it in the category of countries where the Small Quantities Protocol would no longer apply. With outdated protocols governing its IAEA participation, Burma may believe it can resist IAEA demands. However, given the serious and troubling nature of the allegations of Burma’s nuclear ambitions, the IAEA and the international community must vigorously pursue all tools at their disposal to compel Burma’s cooperation. For starters, the IAEA can unilaterally cut off all aid to Burma in improving its nuclear infrastructure through expert visits, grants and equipment purchases, and to any other state that has not signed the Non-Proliferation Treaty or agreed to the Additional Protocol. While these new agreements are voluntary, the provision of so-called technical cooperation funds is a voluntary act on the part of the IAEA as well. It would send a clear message to Burma that the IAEA takes this issue seriously and will no longer tolerate anything less than Burma’s full cooperation with the international community on the monitoring of Burma’s nascent nuclear programme. Although some of the aid (US$1.3 million in 2008-2009) goes for medical and humanitarian assistance, other programmes support training nuclear experts and professionals in Burma, which is clearly inconsistent with the IAEA’s interest in trying to nip a covert nuclear programme in the bud. The new information on Burma’s nuclear ambitions is now available to experts and governments around the world. Yet, even before the IAEA has even officially enquired about it, the Burmese government has denied it. Given Burma’s track record in working with the international community, there is little doubt what Burma’s answer will be when it is formally asked. DVB’s reportage brought to light Burma’s nuclear ambition; it is also a call to anyone in Burma who knows more about covert programmes in nuclear, missile technology, and other weapons of mass destruction to come forward. Other defectors, such as Major Sai Thein Win, are likely to come forward. Many people know the truth, and it will take only a few more brave souls to expose the programme for the world to see. Too many states have proliferated while the world stood back and watched. The A Q Khan network sold nuclear weapons technology from Pakistan and operated observed but untouched for possibly twenty years. The possibility that Burma is trying to build nuclear weapons has been a suspicion for the last decade, but now the evidence is much clearer. The world needs to get serious about choking off Burma’s covert programme through export controls via the Nuclear Suppliers Group and strengthening the hand of the IAEA. Burma is one of the world’s most repressive and secretive regimes. Its ample natural wealth, including gas and oil reserves that will bring in billions of dollars annually in hard currency, make it a natural buyer for North Korea and other countries with nuclear know-how to sell. Last month, the UN Security Council received a 47-page report issued by a seven-member panel of experts on North Korea’s export of nuclear technology. The UN experts noted “suspicious activity in Burma”. Burma’s pursuit of nuclear weapons requires immediate international attention. Allowing yet another dictatorship to acquire the world’s most powerful weapons is not an option. * Robert Kelley is a recently retired director of the IAEA with over 30 years experience in nuclear non-proliferation efforts. Election Commission begins poll preparations – Saw Yan Naing Irrawaddy: Mon 21 Jun 2010 In preparation for the upcoming election, Burmese authorities have tasked 600 schoolteachers in Rangoon Division with the mission of organizing voter lists and inputting the information on computers, according to sources in Rangoon.The schoolteachers were summoned by the authorities on June 9, said one schoolteacher in Rangoon who is participating in the process and who asked for anonymity. They were asked to take lists of eligible voters collected from across the country, organize the lists and place the information on government computers. The process will take at least two months. The completed voter lists will be sent to the election commission, the schoolteacher said. According to a report by the Rangoon-based Eleven Media Group, the chairman of the election commission, Thein Soe, held talks with members of the election commission who represent divisions and states about providing election related training and activities in their areas. The commission members also received demonstrations on and practiced how to operate a polling center, how to set up a polling station and how to perform the voting process. The practice sessions are intended to show international observers and the public that the junta will hold “free and fair elections,” according to the Eleven Media Group report. The Burmese government has not officially announced the election date, but many observers and diplomats say the election is expected to be held in October. The Eleven Media Group report said that Thein Soe will announce the election date after the election preparations are complete. Most of the schoolteachers involved in organizing and inputting the voter lists are members of the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), a junta-backed civil organization. In Burma, schoolteachers are usually assigned as supervisors and polling center watchers during elections. The USDA, founded in 1993, claims more than 24 million members nationwide, including schoolteachers, civil service personnel and members of the military. On April 29, USDA leaders who are also government ministers and senior officials, including Burmese Prime Minister Thein Sein, founded the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) to contest the election. The USDA and USDP have been criticized by analysts and other political parties for their interconnected leadership, current government positions and ties to the military. Thus far, 33 political parties that plan to contest the upcoming election have been granted registration permission by the election commission, but the main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD) led by pro-democracy advocate Aung San Suu Kyi, decided not to register and was therefore dissolved. The election will be Burma’s first since 1990, when the NLD won a landslide victory but the military junta refused to transfer power. Words must be turned into action for Aung San Suu Kyi Burma Campaign UK: Mon 21 Jun 2010 Burma Campaign today warmly welcomed British Prime Minister David Cameron’s letter of support for Aung San Suu Kyi on her 65th birthday, and asked him to take the lead in supporting UN led efforts to secure negotiations between the dictatorship and Burma’s democracy movement.“The letter from the Prime Minister demonstrates Britain’s continuing commitment to supporting the people of Burma in their struggle for human rights and democracy,” said Zoya Phan, International Coordinator at Burma Campaign UK. Aung San Suu Kyi is spending her 65th birthday in detention today. She has spent almost 15 years in detention since 1989. The exact time she has spent in detention is 14 years and 238 days. The United Nations has repeatedly ruled that her detention breaks international law. US President Barak Obama and UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon have also issued statements of support. “We now need action as well as words,” said Zoya Phan. “It is time for the international community to unite around UN led dialogue to bring peace and democracy to Burma. Prime Minister David Cameron must pressure Ban Ki-moon to act.” On Thursday 17th June The Elders, which includes former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, called on the international community to support a UN led dialogue initiative for national reconciliation in Burma. The UN has been mandated to work for such dialogue by the UN General Assembly, and it is supported by the UN Security Council, UN Human Rights Council, EU, USA and ASEAN. However, despite this, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon and the UN Department of Political Affairs (DPA) are taking no serious steps to secure such dialogue. The fact that the DPA website still lists Ibrahim Gambari as leading UN diplomatic efforts on Burma – seven months after his resignation – is an indication of the low priority given to Burma by the Secretary General and DPA. “Everyone knows the fake elections due in Burma will not bring real change,” said Zoya Phan. “We cannot have a situation where Ban Ki-moon ignores member states and sits back hoping for change. While Ban Ki-moon dithers, more prisoners are tortured, more women are raped, more villages burned, and more children die from hunger and disease because the generals spent the money on guns and luxury homes.” Full text of the letter from Prime Minister David Cameron:
Parties seek allies to meet election expenses – Ko Htwe Irrawaddy: Fri 18 Jun 2010 Short on funds and with limited manpower at their disposal, several political parties in Burma are looking to pool their resources ahead of this year’s election.The parties, among the dozens that have so far received permission to run in the election, say they are facing severe financial constraints that limit their ability to function effectively. Among other things, they say they can barely afford to publish campaign materials such as political pamphlets and journals. “Our weak point is our lack of time, money and human resources. That’s why we need to cooperate with other parties,” said Phyo Min Thein, the chairman of Union Democratic Party (UDP), adding that his party is now discussing possible tie-ups with ethnic and democratic parties. Some parties said that registration fees are especially onerous. In addition to the 300,000 kyat (US $500) that parties must pay to register, there is an additional fee of 500,000 kyat for each candidate that the party fields in the election. The UDP has released a statement calling on the government to subsidize the candidate registration fee. Than Than Nu, the general secretary of the Democratic Party (Myanmar), said she welcomed cooperation between parties, but added that forming alliances would likely take a lot of time. “If we cooperate in the election, democratic forces can be successful. It is difficult to reach agreements on cooperation, but we are all friends. We also welcome other parties’ offers to work together,” she said. Nan Shwe Kyar, the spokesperson for the Wuntharnu [Patriotic] National League for Democracy, said that finding common ground is the key to forming a successful alliance. “We are ready to negotiate with parties that share our goals and point of view. Right now we are learning about the political ideologies of other parties,” he said. So far, 42 political parties have applied for party registration, of which 33 have been accepted. Except for the pro-regime National Unity Party (NUP), none of the major parties from the last election in 1990 will be running. Both the NUP and the National League for Democracy, which won the 1990 election by a landslide, formed alliances with smaller parties. Burmese tycoon brokered arms deal with China – Thomas Maung Shwe Mizzima New: Fri 18 Jun 2010 Chiang Mai – Burma’s richest business tycoon and close ally of despotic ruler Senior General Than Shwe, went to China early this month to broker a deal enabling the regime to buy 50 multi-role jet bombers for its air force, trusted sources said.Tay Za was also spotted at the Kunming regional trade fare on June 7, in China’s southern province of Yunnan. The purpose of his visit was to help the Burmese regime acquire the K-8 Karakorum, a two-seat intermediate jet trainer and light attack aircraft developed in a joint venture between China and Pakistan. Estimates for the price of the aircraft vary widely. Last October, Bolivia announced that it would spend US$57.8 million to buy six of the planes. According to Jane’s Defence Weekly the deal also included “two spare engines, a KTS2000BW test vehicle, an Interactive Multimedia Instructor system, initial spare [parts], training and maintenance equipment”. Since then, Venezuelan leader Hugo Chavez had announced on June 7 that his government would spend US$82 million on 18 of the planes. The air force of the country on the northern coast of South America already has at least 200 aircraft. The Burmese Air Force had bought 12 K-8 Karakorum. Sources close to the air force told Mizzima that Burma’s rulers want more ground attack fighters than strategic fighters such as the Russian-made MiG-29 or its Chinese-built version, the F-5. Such ground attack fighters could be used to intimidate ethnic groups under ceasefire which have refused to bring their troops under the supervision of the junta’s Border Guard Force. Planes part of a mystery deal announced om September by Hongdu Aviation? Last year Jane’s Defence Industry (also part of the Jane’s Intelligence group) reported that K-8’s Chinese manufacturer Hongdu Aviation had released a cryptic statement in September saying it had just secured a contract with an “unnamed Asian country” to export 60 K-8 planes. According to Jane’s, the statement disclosed that a deal had been struck between Hongdu, the mystery Asian nation and China’s National Aero-Technology Import and Export Corporation on September 6 at Hongdu’s offices in Nanchang, Jiangxi province. Jane’s speculated that the unnamed Asian partner could be Iran or Indonesia, both seeking to upgrade their air forces. While it is possible that the unnamed partner was in fact the Burmese regime, Mizzima was unable to determine if this was the case. According to Jane’s the statement Hongdu issued in September disclosed that the deal would transpire in three stages. The first stage would involve the export of 12 aircraft. The second stage would involve the customer acquiring K-8 related technologies, equipment and tools. The third would involve the customer producing the final 48 aircraft under licence locally. Mizzima has learned that Tay Za was looking to buy an ATR-72 twin-turboprop short-haul regional airliner from Chinese Southern Airlines for his own airline, Air Bagan. He had bought two A-310 Airbuses from China but was unable to use the aircraft because they were grounded in Rangoon for safety reasons. China is one of the few places where Tay Za can now conduct business transactions with relative ease since he was put on the American, European, Canadian, Australian and Swiss financial sanctions blacklists for Burma. The US government, which commonly refers to Tay Za as “an arms dealer and financial henchman”, was the first Western nation to target the portly tycoon on their black list, citing his close financial ties to Than Shwe and the reclusive dictator’s children. Despite the sanctions against him Tay Za is estimated to have amassed a fortune of more than US$10 billon dollars. Ban Ki-moon called Burma gas pipeline a ‘win-win’ – Thomas Maung Shwe Mizzima News: Fri 18 Jun 2010 Chiang Mai – Mizzima has learned that while serving as Korea’s foreign minister, UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon promoted and publicly praised Daewoo’s controversial Shwe natural gas pipeline project in Burma, calling it a “win-win situation”. The controversial project that started construction two weeks ago is the effort of a multinational consortium that consists of Chinese, Indian, Burmese and Korean state-owned firms as minority partners, with Daewoo International having the largest stake and taking the lead in its development. The Korea Herald newspaper in Seoul called the Shwe gas project South Korea’s “largest overseas project”. It is estimated that royalties from it will give the Burmese regime an estimated US$40 billion over three decades, funds that critics fear will empower its army for years to come. Construction of an 800-kilometre pipeline that will send gas from Burma’s west coast to China began last week. The uncovering of Ban’s pro-Daewoo pipeline comments comes as the UN chief faces intense criticism from international rights advocates who question his commitment to democracy and human rights. The pro-pipeline comments were made in August 2005 when Ban was in New Delhi for talks with his Indian counterpart K. Natwar Singh. According to the India press, a high priority for both governments was Daewoo’s collaboration with two Indian state-controlled firms in the Shwe natural gas project: the Gas Authority of India (Gail) and ONGC Videsh, the wholly-owned international subsidiary of the Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC). The Press Trust of India citing the agreed minutes of the meeting described it this way: “Taking note of the model of Daewoo-OVL-Gail partnership in Myanmar [Burma], the two sides agreed collaboration in exploration of hydrocarbon resources between Indian and South Korean companies would lead to a ‘win-win’ situation.” That Ban had agreed the Shwe project was a “win-win” has outraged human rights advocates and Burmese exiles who have grave concerns about the devastating environmental impact of the project, which they predict will provide billions in foreign currency for the Burmese military to buy weapons to use against their own people . Wong Aung from the Shwe Gas Campaign, an advocacy group that is strongly opposed to the Shwe project told Mizzima it “is a ‘win win’ for Ban Ki-moon and Korean industry but certainly not the people of Burma, just the killer generals”. Naing Htoo from Earth Rights International also objected to the controversial project being called a “win-win”, saying that the “Shwe Project will harm Korea’s reputation, Daweoo’s reputation and it poses direct human rights threat to thousands of villagers in Burma, so I’d say it’s a ‘lose-lose’ situation. Unless the junta completely changes the way it manages natural resource wealth and unless it starts to protect human rights rather than violate them, the Shwe project is a disaster.” When questioned last year by a reporter from Inner City Press about his stance on Daewoo’s Shwe project Ban refused to comment. On Wednesday June 9 the same reporter, Matthew Russell Lee, asked the UN chief’s spokesman, Farhan Haq, if Ban still believed the project was a “win-win”. Haq claimed he would find out. When reached for comment by Mizzima a week later, Haq claimed he was still looking into the matter and failed to provide an answer. When Ban travelled to Burma last summer in what many observers believed was a half-hearted attempt to show he was doing something, the Burmese regime refused to let him see detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Many Burma opposition activists believed Ban could have pushed harder for a meeting with the world’s most famous political prisoner, but failed to do so out of fear he would risk angering the regime and harm a project important to Korean industry. Several weeks after Ban’s visit, US Senator Jim Webb was allowed to meet the detained Nobel Peace laureate. Wong Aung from the Shwe gas movement feels that the Ban has never ceased being Korea’s Foreign Minister, “when he served Korea Ban Ki-moon was clearly a supporter of Daewoo’s Shwe gas project, an environmentally destructive pipeline that will be built on land stolen from the citizens of Burma. Its clear that when he became UN secretary general he didn’t stop pursuing Korean business interests and I strongly believe this has a lot to do with his reluctance to challenge the Burmese regime”. Wong Aung points out that Ban’s friendly overtures to the dictatorial regime of Islam Karimov in Uzbekistan coincide with the massive amounts of Korean investment in that central Asian nation. In addition to Daewoo International, two Korean state-owned firms Korea Gas Corporation (Kogas) and the Korean National Oil Corporation (KNOC) have each invested several billion dollars in the former Soviet republic’s lucrative energy sector. Uzbekistan’s despotic ruler Karimov has been accused by rights groups of jailing and executing large numbers of his opponents. In 2002, Craig Murray, then Britain’s Ambassador to Uzbekistan, commissioned a forensic report concluding that a deceased Uzbek dissident had likely died as a result of his having been boiled alive by his jailers. He said that he was particularly disturbed to read that spokesman Haq could not confirm if on his April trip to Uzbekistan Ban had raised the conviction in February of a prominent Aids activist who worked closely with United Nations agencies. Human Rights Watch reported that Maxim Popov was sentenced to seven years’ jail for “anti-social behaviour” because he wrote and distributed Aids-awareness pamphlets that were printed with funds from the UN. The plight of Maxim Popov, Wong Aung believed, was not high on the secretary-general’s list of priorities, if at all. He said: “Korean Foreign Minister Ban Ki-moon built up ties between Seoul and places that are priority areas for Korean industry such as Burma and Uzbekistan, helping to make Korea one of the biggest investors in both nations.” “Evidently Ban Ki-moon thinks he’s still Korean foreign minister and he can’t risk his good standing with Uzbekistan’s dictator by speaking out about the plight of Maxim Popov, a man who was jailed by a paranoid regime for handing out UN-funded material on Aids prevention,” he said. “Ban Ki-moon’s relationship with Burma’s generals is exactly the same – the rights of Korean business trump human rights. Going by his record as secretary-general it is abundantly clear that Ban Ki-moon is not fit for the job of heading the UN – he really is a disgrace.” Burmese activists fear extension of army’s power – Ron Corben Voice of America: Fri 18 Jun 2010 Bangkok – Burmese women activists fear Burma’s military will be entrenched in power after elections later this year and are calling on the international community to reject the outcome. The activists made the calls as they marked Women of Burma Day and the birthday of Nobel Peace Prize Laureate, Aung San Suu Kyi.Fears over the transparency of Burma’s national elections scheduled for this year have led to calls by Burmese political activists for the international community to boycott the election result. The concern over the election outcome, likely to be in October, comes as Burmese and ethnic communities who support Burma’s opposition parties prepare to mark the 65th birthday of opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi on June 19. The elections, the first in 20 years, are seen by some analysts as a step forward following two decades of stagnant political progress after the military rejected results from an election in May 1990. Aung San Suu Kyi’s opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) won the 1990 vote in a landslide, but the party never assumed power as the military detained dozens of opposition political leaders as well as harassing party members. In 2008 a new constitution was pressed through by a national referendum and the government recently announced new election laws. The NLD and other ethnic groups have refused to participate in the election. Lae Lae Nwe, a former political prisoner who served four years of a 21-year jail sentence before fleeing to Thailand, says she fears the outlook for Burma after the elections. She says the constitution supports the military’s position with the allocation of seats in a new parliament while the military’s power is supported by recently announced election laws which activists say are biased against the opposition. “We can see no justice and also the release of the election law,” she said. “The election laws are not fair. I would like to say to the international community please wipe out the 2010 elections and don’t support military junta.” Her comments came as rights group, the Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma, released a publication, Burma – Women’s Voices for Peace, a compilation of writings by women of Burma who have faced rights abuses. Lway Aye Nang, a member of the Women’s League of Burma says the elections will raise concerns over the military’s ongoing influence. “The election will give legitimacy to the people to the military that they can do whatever they want in officially,” she said. “So it will not change, the situation for Burma it will continue to put the people of Burma in danger.” Parties closely associated with the military, such as the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), are able to campaign while other local parties, including those linked to ethnic communities are being restricted. She says the election is not a way forward for Burma. “People will say something is better than nothing,” she added. “But this something is putting the people of Burma in danger. So at the end of the day these people from the military personnel, military community these USDA member – they will take the lead, they will take the position to rule the area like officially.” Burmese communities throughout the world, preparing to mark Augn San Suu Kyi’s birthday, are stepping up calls for her release from house arrest along with the more than 2,500 political prisoners officially recorded as being detained. The Burma-North Korea axis – Aung Lynn Htut International Herald Tribune: Fri 18 Jun 2010 Washington — This is a sensitive moment in relations between the United States and the world’s most corrupt regime: the military junta that has plundered Burma for decades as if it were a private fiefdom.The Obama administration has attempted to apply a strategy dubbed “pragmatic engagement.” As it works to rethink its position amid the present cacophony of foreign and domestic crises, there is a danger that Washington might give Burma short shrift and unwittingly soften its stance toward the country’s military leaders. It should be careful not do so. And it should take the junta’s nuclear-weapons ambitions seriously. The regime in Burma has a history of deceiving American officials. I know; before defecting to the United States in 2005, I was a senior intelligence officer for the war office in Burma. I was also the deputy chief of mission at Burma’s embassy in Washington. In the autumn of 2003, a senior staff member for a U.S. senator came twice to our embassy in Washington to call on Ambassador U Lin Myaing and me. At about the same time, officials from the U.S. State Department and the National Security Council also met in New York with U Tin Win, from the office of Burma’s prime minister, and Colonel Hla Min, the government’s spokesman. The American officials were checking reports that Burma had secretly renewed ties with North Korea — one of the three pillars of George W. Bush’s “axis of evil.” Burma had severed ties with North Korea in 1983, after North Korean operatives attempted to assassinate South Korea’s president, Chun Doo Hwan, during a state visit to Rangoon. Chun was unhurt, but 17 senior South Korean officials — including the deputy prime minister and the foreign and commerce ministers — were killed. The head of Burma’s junta, Senior General Than Shwe, instructed us to lie to the Americans. We did. We blamed Burma’s political opposition for the “rumors” that Rangoon had renewed ties with Pyongyang. The Americans wanted proof. Than Shwe then ordered Foreign Minister U Win Aung to send a letter denying the reports to Secretary of State Colin Powell. The British government knew the truth. London’s ambassador to Rangoon rightfully called U Win Aung a liar. Why did Burma renew ties with North Korea? Regime preservation. In the aftermath of the 1988 nationwide uprising in Burma, many foreign joint ventures for the production of conventional weapons were cancelled. Than Shwe began the secret re-engagement with North Korea in 1992, soon after he took control of Burma’s ruling clique. He argued that Burma faced potential attack from the United States and India, which at the time was a champion of Burma’s democracy movement. He wanted a bigger army. He wanted more modern weapons. He even wanted nuclear arms. He cared not at all for the poverty of Burma’s people. Than Shwe secretly made contact with Pyongyang. Posing as South Korean businessmen, North Korean weapons experts began arriving in Burma. I remember these visitors. They were given special treatment at the Rangoon airport. With a huge revenue bonanza from sales of natural gas to Thailand, Burma was soon able to pay the North Koreans cash for missile technology. The generals thought that they could also obtain nuclear warheads and that, once these warheads were mounted on the missiles, the United States and other powerful countries would not dare to attack Burma and have much less leverage on the junta. Than Shwe hid these links with North Korea as long as he could from Japan and South Korea, because he was working to lure Japanese and South Korean companies to invest more in efforts to plunder Burma’s natural resources. By 2006, the junta’s generals felt either desperate or confident enough to publicly resume diplomatic relations with North Korea. Burma has worked for almost a decade to expand its production of missiles and chemical warheads. General Tin Aye — chairman of the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings, the military’s business arm — is the top manager of ordinance production and main liaison with North Korea. According to a secret report leaked last year, the regime’s No. 3 man, General Shwe Mann, also made a secret visit to Pyongyang in November 2008. He signed an agreement for military cooperation that would bring help from North Korea for constructing tunnels and caves for hiding missiles, aircraft, even ships. That this information was leaked by Burmese military officials working on such sensitive activities shows both the degree of Than Shwe’s military megalomania and the existence of opposition within the regime itself. The words “pragmatic engagement” should not become synonymous with any weakening of Washington’s firm opposition to Burma’s rulers. The United States and other nations must continue to question the legitimacy of Than Shwe and the regime. They should not believe his promises to hold free and fair elections this year. Only coordinated pressure from around the globe will be effective in dealing with this master of deceit. * Aung Lynn Htut is a former senior intelligence officer in Burma’s Ministry of Defense. He is working on his memoirs. |
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