Burma Update

1. Think tank urges Indonesian initiative on Burma
2. Activists to celebrate 'bad day' of Junta leader
3. Aung San Suu Kyi 'dissatisfied' over talks with junta
4. Burma's Suu Kyi meets colleagues
5. "Prepare for worst," Suu Kyi tells Myanmar
6. Myanmar monks remain defiant
7. U Gambira charged under Unlawful Associations Act
8. Forced Labor Used in Lake Construction in Southern Arakan
9. UN Report Accuses Regime, Armed Ethnic Groups of Recruiting Children
10. The China Factor...
11. Army Offensive in Eastern Burma Creates Growing Humanitarian Crisis
12. Gambari: We Don't Do 'Regime Change'
13. Burma's haves and have-nothings

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Think tank urges Indonesian initiative on Burma
The Nation: 31/1/08

Indonesia should take a lead in hosting a regional meeting on Burma's political crisis, similar to the role in played in kick-starting the Cambodia peace-process in 1988, the Brussels-based International Crisis Group urged Thursday.

"Indonesia could play a particularly important role, perhaps by hosting a regional meeting along the lines of the Jakarta Informal Meetings (JIM) which kick-started the Cambodia peace process in 1988 to 1989," said ICG president Gareth Evans, in the think tank's latest report on Burma titled Burma/Burma: After the Crisis.

The report, a copy of which was made available in Bangkok, urges Asian governments to push for multi-party talks on how to solve Burma's political impasse in the wake of the ruling junta's brutal crackdown on protests led by Buddhist monks in September 2007, that left at least 31 people dead and outraged the international community.

The proposal was immediately welcomed by longtime Burma watchers.

"I think it's a good idea, because Indonesia is one of the members of the United Nations Security Council at the moment and is also the most suitable in Asean to lead the process," said Win Min, a lecturer on Burma affairs at Chiang Mai University.

Win Min noted that Indonesia is now led by President Susilo Bambang Yodoyono, a former army general who has a better chance of dealing with Burma's junta. Burma's military supremo Senior General Than Shwe last year tentatively agreed to start a political dialogue with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, but the process has proven typically slow and reflective of the junta's resistance to any threat to their stranglehold on power, which they have held in Burma, also called Burma, since 1962.

Suu Kyi in a rare meeting with her National League for Democracy (NLD) party leaders on Thursday expressed her pessimism with the dialogue process, advising her people "to hope for the best but prepare for the worst."

The international community, led by United Nations special envoy for Burma Ibrahim Gambari, backed by European Union special envoy Piero Fussino, have been stepping up pressure on Asian governments to hasten and broaden the dialogue process.

ICG has now also called on Asia to take the initiative.

"Burma's neighbours, especially China and members of Asean (Association of South-East Asian Nations), need to seize the moment," said John Virgoe, ICG's South East Asia Project Director.

"Regional multi-party talks, coordinated with the UN Secretary General's special envoy, Ibrahim Gambari, and backed by the wider international community, hold out the best hope for launching a meaningful process of national reconciliation and broader reform," said Virgoe.

Of course, it would ultimately be up to Burma's ruling generals to agree to such a process, but observers opined that the time was ripe to pressure them.

"They won't like it, but if Asean takes an initiative then China and India may follow," said Win Min.

Thailand pushed for similar regional talks on Burma, dubbed the Bangkok Process, in 2004 when the country was still under the premiership of Thaksin Shinawatra.

"Thaksin did not coordinate well with China, India and the other Asean members so it was a failure, but the region might be more open to such a process now," said Win Min.//dpa

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Activists to celebrate 'bad day' of Junta leader
SHAN: 2008-01-31 07:01

The 75th birthday of Burma Senior General Than Shwe will fall on the 2nd February 2008 and the celebration is being organized by Lanna Action for Burma (LAB) on the 1st of February, 2008 to wish him an 'Un-happy Bad Day', from 10:30 to 11:30 at Chiang Mai University's Social Science Building 4.

"Today, thousands of Burma supporters all over the world are holding events against Than Shwe" and this event is "to make sure Than Shwe has an Unhappy Bad Day, rather than a Happy Birthday", wrote the leaflet released by LAB.

LAB encourages supporters to sing "Unhappy Bad Day", sign petition to ask Thai government to withdraw Thai support for Than Shwe, send Bad Day wishes to Than Shwe and support democracy in Burma.

A previous campaign event organized by LAB last year was in December named "Panty Power Campaign" where participants were urged to throw women panties or send them to their nearest Burmese embassies around the world. It is believed that Burma's generals hold a superstitious belief that their power can be removed through contact with articles used by women below the navel.

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Aung San Suu Kyi 'dissatisfied' over talks with junta
Mizzima News 30 January 2008

Written by Mungpi

Noble peace laureate opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi under detention has expressed her dissatisfaction with the current pace of talks for political reforms in Burma, spokesmen of her party the National League for Democracy said on Wednesday.

The Burmese democracy icon told her party leaders in no uncertain terms during a rare meeting today, that she is frustrated over the lack of progress on talks for political reforms in the country with the ruling junta. The meetings with the military junta's Liaison Minister have not been fruitful.

Nyan Win, NLD spokesperson, who was among the seven NLD leaders who met detained the party secretary today, said, "She is not satisfied with the current pace of talks. She would like to see concrete progress."

For the second time in three months, Aung San Suu Kyi was allowed a rare meeting with her party leaders for 90 minutes in the military guest house in Rangoon.

In the wake of the meeting, the junta's Liaison Minister Aung Kyi was said to have met Aung San Suu Kyi for the fifth time, since he was appointed mediator between Aung San Suu Kyi and the junta Supremo Snr. Gen. Than Shwe.

Aung San Suu Kyi said, while the meetings, both with the NLD leaders and Aung Kyi, do not show any sign of progress, "Let's hope for the best and prepare for the worst," Nyan Win quoted her as saying.

In the course of the meeting, Aung San Suu Kyi briefed them about the details of her fourth meeting with Aung Kyi but expressed concern that the meetings, including the second meeting with party leaders, might give rise to "false hope", Nyan Win said.

Aung San Suu Kyi told Aung Kyi that the talks must include representatives of Burma's many ethnic groups, who are fighting for autonomy or independence for the last five decades.

"She also said talks should not be delayed for too long," said Nyan Win adding that NLD had asked the regime to allow party leaders to have frequent meetings with her to discuss party affairs as well as the current status of the talks.

The talks, which began in the aftermath of the bloody crackdown on protesters in September, have not yielded any meaningful dividend, Nyan Win said.

The monk-led protest in September, which was the biggest threat to the Burmese junta in nearly two decades, was brutally suppressed by the iron fisted regime. The UN said at least 31 people died and 74 went missing during the crackdown, but activists believe the number to be higher.

In a bid to counter international outrage, the Burmese junta, allowed visits by UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari and UN rights expert Paulo Sergio Pinheiro to the strife torn country.

Following the visits by the UN envoys, the junta assured that it will stop arresting and detaining dissidents, a promise it did not live up to.

The police on Tuesday arrested a Burmese blogger, Nay Phone Latt, from an internet café in Rangoon, his friends and colleagues said. Similarly, a Burmese poet, Saw Wai, was arrested last week for publishing a Valentine's Day poem, which had the words "Power Crazy Than Shwe" when the initial words of the lines were put together.

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Burma's Suu Kyi meets colleagues
BBC: 30/1/08

Burma's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi has been allowed to meet political allies for the second time since last year's bloody crackdown.

Officials took Ms Suu Kyi to a military guest house to meet seven top members of her National League for Democracy.

She last left house arrest to meet colleagues in November 2007.

That meeting followed sustained international pressure on Burma's leaders after troops used violence to end anti-government protests.

At least 31 people died in the crackdown and thousands were detained. Hundreds of people are thought to remain in custody.

After the violence, the United Nations called for greater dialogue between the ruling military junta and the Suu Kyi-led pro-democracy movement.

A government liaison, Aung Kyi, was appointed to negotiate with Ms Suu Kyi.

The two have since held four meetings, but it remains unclear whether they are yielding any progress.

Ms Suu Kyi was also meeting Aung Kyi, reports from Burma said.

The NLD won elections in 1990 but has never been allowed to take power. Ms Suu Kyi has spent 12 of the last 18 years under house arrest in Burma's commercial capital, Rangoon.

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/asia-pacific/7216990.stm

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"Prepare for worst," Suu Kyi tells Myanmar – Aung Hla Tun
Reuters: Wed 30 Jan 2008

Detained Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is frustrated at a lack of talks on political reform with the ruling military junta since last year's bloody crackdown on dissent, her party said on Wednesday.

After a rare meeting between the Nobel peace laureate and leaders of her National League for Democracy (NLD), spokesman Nyan Win said Suu Kyi held out little hope that unprecedented international pressure on the generals would bear fruit.

"Let's hope for the best and prepare for the worst," he quoted her as saying, adding she worried that Wednesday's 90-minute meeting, and another immediately afterwards with junta liaison minister Aung Kyi, might give rise to "false hope."

Suu Kyi, who has been in prison or under house arrest for more than 12 of the last 18 years, also passed on details of her fourth and last encounter with Aung Kyi on January 11.

Nyan Win said she had told Aung Kyi, appointed as go-between after the September crackdown, that talks must include representatives of Myanmar's many ethnic groups, which have been struggling for autonomy or independence for five decades.

Suu Kyi also told her colleagues she feared she was being strung along by the junta, a group of generals who have turned promise-breaking into an art form, not least by ignoring their humiliating 1990 election defeat.

"She is not satisfied with meetings with Aung Kyi and with the lack of any time frame," Nyan Win said.

In another sign of junta intransigence, NLD number two Tin Oo, who like Suu Kyi has been under house arrest since May 2003, was barred from attending the meeting, held at a government guest house under heavy armed guard.

Ever since the crackdown, in which the United Nations says at least 31 people were killed, diplomats from Beijing to London to Washington have been pushing the junta to hold talks with Suu Kyi about moving towards civilian rule.

Despite admitting U.N. special envoy Ibrahim Gambari twice, the generals have failed to embark on any sort of program of negotiations, and human rights groups say they are continuing to arrest dissidents and democracy activists.

Police arrested a popular political blogger, Nay Phone Latt, at a Yangon Internet cafe on Tuesday, a local journalist who asked not to be named told Reuters.

The U.N.'s Gambari, who wanted to return to Myanmar before the end of 2007, is still waiting for a visa.

Suu Kyi and the NLD won an election landslide in 1990 but were denied power by the military, which has ruled in one form or another since a 1962 coup. During that time, the once-promising economy has collapsed.

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Myanmar monks remain defiant
Al-Jazeera.net: Wed 30 Jan 2008

The crackdown by Myanmar's military rulers has left few monks in the monasteries of Sittwe. The monasteries in Sittwe are half empty, only the children remain.

Last August it was in this coastal city in the northwest of Myanmar that the monks led the first protests against the military government.

The protests quickly spread to across the country and to Myanmar's largest city, Yangon, before the military turned its guns on the demonstrators.

Now those who took part in last year's anti-government protests are scattered and on the run. But despite the crackdown, the dissident monks are preparing for another showdown.

At a secret location Al Jazeera met the 24-year-old monk who organised the first protest.

"There will be another demonstration," he says. "Monks became men after the demonstration and they are angry and depressed after the arrests."

He says the monks hopes had been buoyed by the international attention last year's protests received and he is ready to spread the word again once the protests resume.

"I had a small generator in my village and I sold it to buy a second-hand camera," he told Al Jazeera. "If the chance comes again, I can record what happens."

"Eventually, our own people will have to decide our own future"

For now though, he is in hiding. When he went to his village after the protests were crushed by the military the local authorities already had his picture and an arrest warrant.

His friends who tried to escape across the border to Bangladesh were arrested on the way. Footage obtained by Al Jazeera shows some of those arrested being paraded in front senior clergy who support the government.

Activists allege some prisoners were abused and where they are now remains unclear.

"Those who were arrested were tortured in prison," one activist told Al Jazeera.

"Political prisoners are beaten and killed, and we heard that even though they provided rice it was mixed with lead. It's a kind of torture, isn't it?"

Hundreds of protesters have been rounded up and tortured, activists say. Other dissident leaders believe that the monks' actions last year have already weakened the government.

As a result a loose alliance has developed between different groups opposed to the military regime - among them, members of the student-led uprising in 1988 when Myanmar was known by its former name, Burma.

Al Jazeera met the acting leader of the "88 Generation" group of activists, known by his code name Phoenix.

"The problem here is not that the government are strong but that we the opposition are not strong enough," he says.

"Eventually, our own people will have to decide our own future. There will be time when all people, all the citizens of Burma, will stand up and say something against the government. There will be time, I believe."

The challenges confronting Phoenix and his colleagues are enormous.

There are different types of surveillance – government informers in every street and people fear that the walls have ears.

Even inside their families, people cannot talk aloud because of the fear of informers, members of the government militia and other forms of surveillance.

On the surface life seems normal, but you can feel the constant fear everywhere.

Many people that Al Jazeera spoke to seemed deeply depressed by the brutal suppression of what has been called "the saffron revolution".

Now Myanmar's democrats must rebuild and start again.

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U Gambira charged under Unlawful Associations Act – Aye Nai
DVB: Wed 30 Jan 2008

U Gambira, the leader of the All-Burmese Monks Alliance who is currently being held in Insein prison, has been charged under the Unlawful Associations Act, according to family members.

U Gambira was arrested on 4 November in Sintgaing township, Magwe division, for his role in instigating the monk-led protests in September last year.

He has been charged with violating section 17/1 of the Unlawful Associations Act, which carries a maximum sentence of three years' imprisonment for membership of an unlawful association, attending meetings or fundraising.

A member of U Gambira's family said she had found out about the charge on 28 January when she visited him in prison.

U Gambira's younger brother Ko Aung Kyaw Kyaw, who is secretary of the National League for Democracy in Pauk township, Magwe division, was arrested on 17 October and will face the same charge.

Ko Aung Kyaw Kyaw's wife Ma Thandar said that the two brothers were being held separately.

"U Gambira is now in a special detention area of Insein prison and Ko Aung Kyaw Kyaw has been in the main ward," Ma Thandar said.

"They have both been given court appointments on 4 February, but we don't know yet whether this will be at Insein prison court or outside."

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Forced Labor Used in Lake Construction in Southern Arakan
Narinjara News: Wed 30 Jan 2008

People in two villages in Thandwe Township of Arakan State have been forced by township authorities to work on the construction of lakes if they are unable to contribute financially to the project, reports a social worker from Thandwe.

He said, "The authority ordered two villages to contribute 3.5 million kyat to dig two lakes for drinking water reservoirs, but people are unable to comply with this demand due to poverty. So authorities have forced villagers to work on the lakes' construction."

A source from Thanwe said that the government had allocated 3.5 million kyat from state revenues to construct two lakes at two villages - Greataw and Kauk Kyi - and also ordered the two villages to contribute 3.5 million kyat for the construction.

However the villagers are unable to comply with the government's demanded money, so the authority has used instead used them as forced labor to make up the difference.

All villagers from the two villages, located 20 miles away from Thandwe district town, are now working on the lake construction, with the lakes scheduled to be finished before this forthcoming rainy season.

In Arakanese traditions, people strongly believe that if they contribute their wages and souls to public works such as reservoir and bridge or road construction, they will gain great merit for their lives.

The authorities have now taken advantage of this belief in forcing people to work on the construction of the lake reservoirs without compensation, said the social worker.

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UN Report Accuses Regime, Armed Ethnic Groups of Recruiting Children – Lalit K Jha/United Nations
Irrawaddy: Wed 30 Jan 2008

A United Nations report released on Tuesday accused the Burmese armed forces, the country's Tatmadaw, and armed ethnic groups of recruiting children to serve as soldiers.

The groups named in the report are the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), Karen National Union-Karen National Liberation Army Peace Council; Kachin Independence Army (KIA); Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), Karenni Army (KA), Karenni National People's Liberation Front (KNPLF), Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army and Shan State Army-South (SSA-S).

This is more than double the number of armed ethnic groups named in last year's "Children and Armed Conflict" report, which listed only three—the KNLA, KA and United Wa State Army.

In the 45-page report, submitted to the UN Security Council and General Assembly, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon alleged that the Burmese armed forces have also been responsible for killing and maiming children and denying humanitarian access.

Besides Burma, the report said child soldiers were being recruited in recruitment in Afghanistan, Burundi, Chad, the Central African Republic, Colombia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Nepal, the Philippines, Somalia, Sudan, Sri Lanka and Uganda.

The report recommended the use of a range of measures, including bans on military aid and travel restrictions, against parties to armed conflict who continued to systematically commit grave violations against children.

It also urged the Security Council to refer violations against children in armed conflict to the International Criminal Court.

The report said that, despite regime denials, reliable reports from UN partners indicate that attempts to recruit children forcibly for Tatmadaw service were still occurring. "It is difficult to systematically verify the extent of recruitment or the number of children in military camps owing to access limitations," it added.

The report said the UN had not received any reports of new recruitment of children by the KNLA, KA or KNPP in the period under review.

However, the limitations imposed by the junta on UN access to areas of operations and on dialogue with the KNLA and KA hampered efforts to verify whether those groups had in fact stopped recruiting children.

Reports had been received indicating that a breakaway faction of the KNU, the KNU-KNLA Peace Council, had recruited children from the Mae La refugee camp and villages in the border areas.

"Sources suggest that several boys were deceived into crossing the border by promises of pay and participation in celebrations but were subsequently coerced into joining the armed group," the report said. "While most of the children have returned, four boys are reportedly still missing. It is not known whether the KNU-KNLA Peace Council continues recruitment, and the UN has not been able to verify the reports of recruitment."

Reports had been received of a "one child per family" recruitment policy by the KIA. In early 2007, the UN verified a report of a 15-year-old girl recruited by the KIA when she returned to her home village from school in Myitkyina, Kachin State. "To date, the girl remains with KIA," the report said.

Eyewitness accounts had been received of children serving with the United Wa State Army in northern Shan State, despite the UWSA's recent statement to the UN special representative that no children had been recruited since the ceasefire agreement reached by the group with the Burmese regime.

"There are reports of Shan State Army-South recruiting children as part of a new mandatory recruitment policy," the report said. "Children are also recruited and used by Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (Kokang) in northern Shan State."

Information had also been received that children were serving with the KNPLF and DKBA. "However, in-depth monitoring is hampered by access limitations to areas of operations of these groups," the report said.

Meanwhile Maj-Gen Thura Myint Aung, who heads a panel charged with ending the practice of forcing minors into the army, told that from 2002 to 2007, officials had returned 792 children from the military to their parents.

The junta's mouthpiece New Light of Myanmar quoted him as saying the authorities had "taken action" against 43 military personnel, including some officers. The paper, however, gave no details on the punishments.

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The China Factor...
The Financial Times, UK: 01.29.2008

A few weeks after the protests last year in Burma, a Chinese diplomat approached an influential Burmese advocate in New York and asked why the Burmese dubbed their protest the "Saffron Revolution."

"The diplomat was obviously quite uncomfortable with this particular name, which he whispered to me," said the Burmese advocate, who spoke on condition of anonymity. "Chinese are very sensitive to the 'colour revolutions'," she added.

In the wake of successful "colour revolutions" such as Georgia's 2003 Rose Revolution and Ukraine's 2004 Orange Revolution - victories of nonviolent democracy movements in post-communist countries - Beijing is anxious to prevent similar occurrences at home or among its neighbours.

Then a country in its own backyard triggered the "Saffron Revolution", and the military's subsequent crackdown captured the world's attention. Along with the crisis in Burma, China was drawn into the spotlight with unflattering coverage in international media, and diplomatic pressure increased to withdraw its support of one of the world's most odious regimes. Public outcry across the globe called on China to assume a larger role in helping to resolve the crisis.

However, contrary to common perceptions, China is not a patron that pulls the strings, and the self-isolated, delusive Burmese regime is not a puppet. In fact, China has limited sway with the junta's generals. The relationship runs in both directions. This complicates Burma's problems and their resolution.

Of course, China has more power and influence on the generals than any other country. It also intends to use that leverage to its own benefit.

According to Chinese diplomats, Beijing has been gradually changing its Burma policy since the removal of former Prime Minister Khin Nyunt in 2004, and this has accelerated since the recent deadly crackdown in Burma. However, the diplomats warn that the policy shift should not be expected to be quick or dramatic. It will be slow and well-calculated.

"Than Shwe and Maung Aye are more intransigent than former dictator Ne Win, and they often do incredibly silly things," said a Chinese official during a meeting with a Burmese opposition activist. "China knows that Burma will not prosper under their leadership."

China's special envoy, Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs Wang Yi, was sent to Burma in November. He met with the junta's top leader, Senior-General Than Shwe, and asked the military "to resolve the pending issues through consultation, so as to speed up the democratisation process."

However, the regime responded that it will go at its own pace in the unilateral implementation of its "Seven-Step Road Map," according to a Western diplomat.

"The Chinese keep telling us that the international community is overstating their influence with the Burmese generals," said the diplomat. "Beijing says they don't have ability to tell the regime what to do."

Aung Kyaw Zaw, a Burmese analyst living on the China-Burma border, disagrees with that interpretation.

"Persuasion, without power backup, will not work. The soft-soft approach should be changed. China must show the stick part of its diplomacy," said Aung Kyaw Zaw.

Tipping Toward Responsibility

At the present time, Beijing is clearly not ready to apply real pressure to the junta. It still believes that working to resolve Burma's problems is secondary to pursuing its principal economic and strategic interests.

But simultaneously, China would like to solidify an international role as "a responsible stakeholder."

The time has come for concerted international diplomatic pressure on China to tip the balance toward responsibility. China must consider the sentiments of Thucydides: An amoral foreign policy is neither practical nor prudent.

At the same time, it should be obvious that the United States and the European Union cannot outsource Burma's transition to democracy to China, which itself lacks democracy.

The West's most powerful countries should coordinate with China to facilitate a real transition in conflict-ridden Burma.

However, diplomacy alone is not enough to compel China to play an effective role. Public action on a global scale is needed.

"China was very annoyed to see the wave of protests taking place outside its embassies in major cities around the world in the wake of the September protests," said Aung Kyaw Zaw. "More importantly, they were really worried when demonstrators linked Burma's cause with a 2008 Olympic boycott."

China is very anxious to prevent any negative effect on the Olympic games. The vice mayor of Beijing warned in October 2007 that any move to link China's role in Burma to a boycott of the 2008 Olympics would be "inappropriate and unpopular."

China's leadership might even accommodate its Burma policy and give more support to the UN's Burma mediation role if they sensed a possibility of real damage to the much-hyped gala this summer, even though it might be a tactical and temporal accommodation.

However, the Burmese opposition has so far failed to seize and exploit this opportunity effectively. During the peak of Burma 's "Saffron Revolution", The Washington Post labelled one of its editorials the "Saffron Olympics", highlighting the dynamics of an international campaign against the summer Olympics. But that effort has run out of steam.

"The Burmese opposition in exile cannot accelerate the campaign in a consistent manner," said Nyo Ohn Myint, the head of the Foreign Affairs Office of the National League for Democracy (Liberated Area). "Our campaigners are going after ad hoc protests without a focus. We fail to form a wider coalition with other Olympic detractors. Unless we can launch a coordinated international grassroots action, China will not be swayed to our direction."

Beijing plans to start its Olympic festivities on 8/8/08, a date that is surprisingly similar to the 20th anniversary of Burma's "Four Eight ( 8/8/88 ) Democracy Movement."

Whether or not the heirs to the movement can make the most out of this coincidence remains to be seen.

* Min Zin (The Financial Times, UK) is a freelance journalist.)

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Army Offensive in Eastern Burma Creates Growing Humanitarian Crisis
VOA: 01.29.2008

Reports from Karen State in eastern Burma say that the army's annual dry season offensive against the Karen National Union is under way. The KNU has been fighting for freedom from the military government for almost 60 years. In the past two years, rights groups say the Burmese army has intensified a scorched earth campaign in Karen State, resulting in a growing humanitarian crisis.

The war between the Burmese army and the Karen ethnic minority in Burma is thought to be the world's longest running civil war. War broke out shortly after independence from Britain in 1949 when the Karen were denied autonomy from the government in Rangoon, dominated by ethnic Burmese.

Burma's military government justifies its harsh rule in part by saying it is necessary to keep different ethnic groups from trying to split the country. Over the years, more than 17 ethnic groups have fought the government, although in the past decade several signed peace agreements. But in Karen State the fighting continues and villagers are caught in the middle.

Human rights groups say the Burmese army uses scorched-earth tactics to deny Karen guerrillas a support base. Villagers are killed or forced to flee, livestock are shot, homes are burned and landmines are laid to prevent people from returning.

Aid groups say that about 370 villagers have been killed since late 2006. About 30,000 have been displaced.

Debbie Stothard is the coordinator for the Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma. She told us, "In the past two and a half years we have seen no let up in the attack – it's no longer a seasonal offensive, it's an on-going intense offensive and that has meant that people – many, many communities – have not been able to grow rice for two years. Twenty-five thousand people are facing imminent starvation."

Human rights groups say that the army often uses captured civilians as forced labor. The Karen say they want peace but, without a peace agreement, they will keep fighting.

Johnny is the commander of the KNU's seventh brigade based on the Thai-Burma border. "Even though we are less in number, what we need is sacrifice, perseverance and unity, so then one day we will certainly obtain our victory and surely achieve our goal," he says.

Sann Aung is a cabinet minister with Burma's government-in-exile, based in Bangkok. He tells VOA, "They would like to negotiate a ceasefire. They have had many talks with the military regime, but the military regime demands their total surrender. That is not acceptable to the KNU [Karen National Union]. That is the situation."

Aid groups expect that in the coming months, thousands more Karen will be forced to flee and more lives will be lost.

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Gambari: We Don't Do 'Regime Change'
Author: Newsweek - Date: 01.26.2008

Ibrahim Gambari is the U.N. point man on one of the world's toughest regimes to charm, Burma. Since taking the job in May, Gambari has visited Rangoon several times, urging the junta to respect human rights and recognize the opposition led by Nobel laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. His last two visits came after the bloody September crackdown on monks protesting the rising price of fuel. Gambari is one of few outsiders to meet the secretive and isolated junta supremo, Than Shwe. He spoke with NEWSWEEK'S Patrick Falby on the state of Burma. Excerpts:

FALBY: You briefed the U.N. Security Council before it issued its first condemnation of the junta, then met Than Shwe. How'd it go?

GAMBARI: Um, I was received. [ Laughs] The secretary-general [Ban Ki-moon] asked me to deliver some very tough messages to the senior general. In the very hierarchical system that they have, it was important for Than Shwe to hear them: demands for a stop to the killings; a removal of the curfew; removal of the military from the streets of major cities Yangon [Rangoon] and Mandalay; release of persons detained as a result of the crisis, but also release of political detainees, including especially, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. He was, of course, taken aback because they're pretty isolated. They were somewhat surprised about how the world thinks of them. From their point of view, this was a small minority of monks instigated from outside.

FALBY: You've gone to Burma twice since the crackdown. How have negotiations gone?

GAMBARI: We suggested a commencement of dialogue—the appointment of a government liaison officer to talk with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. We suggested appointment of a review commission to look at the Constitution. The other suggestion was to establish a poverty-alleviation commission to address the root causes of socioeconomic discontent because, after all, it was the increase in fuel prices that triggered the crisis. They did some of the things; others are still pending.

FALBY: Many people say these half steps show the regime is not cooperating.

GAMBARI: I don't get involved with that. I just want to judge it by what they commit to do and what they do and what we want to do.

FALBY: They haven't lived up to their commitments.

GAMBARI: No, no they haven't but …

FALBY: You're still optimistic?

GAMBARI: I refuse to say whether I'm optimistic or pessimistic. We told them, "These are the things you need to do. I will come back, I will check it on my checklist." There are not many checks yet. But the curfew has ended, the military has been removed from the streets, a large number of detained people have been released—although I was unhappy with the fact that some of them were rearrested or new people were arrested. So far, they've taken some steps—not as far as we want and not on all fronts—but they have taken some steps.

FALBY: Aren't you worried about looking soft on an international pariah?

GAMBARI: No. Either you change the regime or you change the behavior of the regime. I don't have the instruments to change the regime. So if you want to change the behavior of a regime, what do you do? You have to talk.

FALBY: So are you setting any deadlines for talks?

GAMBARI: The talks are long overdue. The release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the other political prisoners is long overdue. Those are also the best way to avoid more sanctions.

FALBY: Have sanctions worked at all?

GAMBARI: Maybe so, maybe not. But if they are combined with real engagement and with some incentives at the appropriate time, they could work.

FALBY: The junta argues that it is progressing with its "Seven-Point Roadmap." Do you agree?

GAMBARI: You can't have a roadmap to democracy that excludes the [opposition's National League for Democracy]. The first step was the national convention, which took 14 years, but they're finished. The next is the constitutional drafting committee, which they have established. The people of Myanmar [Burma], the neighboring countries and the world can't wait another 14 years for the next step.

FALBY: Many activists say that's not enough.

GAMBARI: I was designated special envoy working on this matter only last May. May! This thing's been going on for decades. My predecessor was not allowed in the country for two and a half years. The special rapporteur for human rights was not allowed in for four and a half years. So we're not celebrating, but even if you're not satisfied, what is the alternative? The U.N. is not in the business of changing regimes. What we have the capacity for and the mandate for is to change the behavior of the regime. That's why we have consultations with all the key actors: China, India, ASEAN countries, the United States, the European Union, Japan, Australia.

FALBY: What are the attitudes of those actors?

GAMBARI: If there's any unanimity, it's in support of the secretary-general's office. All of them.

FALBY: Even China, with all its interests in Burma?

GAMBARI: Especially China. They don't want the situation to get out of hand. They have 2,400 kilometers of border and a substantial economic relationship. As a matter of fact, each time I've had difficulty getting the visas, China has been very helpful persuading the authorities to issue visas.

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Burma's haves and have-nothings
United Press International (Asia), China: 01.25.2008

Within the last decade, the cost of a bus trip across Rangoon, a cup of tea, or a bottle of peanut oil has risen tenfold. One sack of the lowest quality rice in Burma today sells for around US$12: half a month's wages for a construction worker; an unimaginable amount for the children picking over rubbish heaps in search of a cabbage leaf or some discarded grains.

Persistent acute increases in the cost of living across Burma have been spurred on by the rise in fuel prices of last August, which precipitated nationwide protests the following month.

But while the spreading poverty has been documented and raised by international groups working in the country, the contrasting displays of extravagant riches by its small elite have attracted less attention abroad. In the country, they are increasingly hard to ignore.

Small fleets of luxury four-wheel-drive vehicles and sedans now navigate Burma's pockmarked highways and byways alongside the ubiquitous battered Japanese busses and decades-old passenger vehicles.

In parts of Rangoon, up-market boutiques full of the latest electrical products and European cosmetics huddle close together against a backdrop of dimly-lit general stores and market stalls.

The property pages of the Myanmar Times buzz with excited chatter about the size and cost of mansions that are filling empty spaces or taking over from older, less ostentatious houses in the few parts of the city with a regular supply of electricity. Much of the paper's remaining contents consist of features on the people who occupy these columned monoliths, whereas no mention is made of those who build them or the conditions under which they live.

This gap between the haves and have-nots has grown so wide in the last few years that there are now said to be only two classes in Burma: "htarsaya mashitelu" and "sarsaya mashitelu"; those who have so much stuff they have nowhere to put it, and those who don't eat.

Around the world, statisticians and social scientists have debated the extent to which relative financial inequality undermines the effective working of a country. Some have argued that whereas a wealth gap has a strongly detrimental effect in some it makes little difference in others.

Burma seems very far removed from all this. The reason is that the wealth gap there is not relative at all. It is a gap between those who switch on the lights at night and those who cannot, those whose children study and those whose children work, those who get medical treatment -- preferably in Bangkok -- and those who stay sick; those who eat and those who do not. It is a radical division between haves and have-nothings. There are no grounds for talk of relative difference.

It is important to bear in mind that this gap also exists within the army. Historian Mary Callahan has observed that whereas the difference in living conditions between higher and lower military personnel was a decade or so ago quite modest, it is now both dramatic and highly problematic. And although it has not yet caused a split within the armed forces of the sort that may threaten the junta's hold on power, it is exacerbating tensions and undermining the ability of senior officers to manage their subordinates.

Extreme poverty and extreme luxury together make a heady mix. So far, the protests against worsening economic conditions in Burma have been concentrated on the former, and have been admirably restrained, even in the face of uncompromising violence. But if the regime persists in denying legitimate complaint about its abject impoverishing of millions while at the same time blatantly enriching itself and its minions, then public displays of resentment may soon become more vociferous and less tolerant, more pointed and less generous.

In that event, the regime will have only itself to blame.

AWZAR THI [United Press International (Asia), China]
(Awzar Thi is the pen name of a member of the Asian Human Rights Commission with over 15 years of experience as an advocate of human rights and the rule of law in Thailand and Burma. His Rule of Lords blog can be read at http://ratchasima.net )

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1. EU urges new govt to promote democracy in Burma
2. Burmese Generals probably happy with Thailand's new government
3. EU envoy calls for release of Myanmar's Aung San Suu Kyi
4. Gambari in New Delhi to urge fresh Indian support
5. China continues to supply Burma with military equipment
6. Japan gives $1.79m to Myanmar
7. Electric power sector major attractor of foreign investment in Myanmar
8. Army offensive in Eastern Burma creates growing humanitarian crisis
9. Burmese bloggers hide from police
10. Burma's government tightens its grip on international aid agencies
11. Irrawaddy dam construction begins, human rights abuses begin
12. Burmese junta force villagers to pay for road construction
13. Democracy activists demand government dialogue with opposition
14. Statement of the 2007 Generation Students' Union

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EU urges new govt to promote democracy in Burma
The Nation: 30/1/08

The European Union (EU) has urged the new government, which will to take the chairmanship of Asean in July, to commit to cooperation with the international community to promote human rights, democracy and peace in neighbouring Burma.

"The EU wants to cooperate with Thailand's government to promote a positive solution in Burma," said Piero Fassino, EU Special Envoy to Burma.

Thailand as the next chairman of Asean can play a significant role in moving Burma towards democracy and human rights as the group has adopted a new charter promoting both these important issues.

Fassino was in Thailand Tuesday to obtain cooperation to facilitate political dialogue in the juntaruled Burma, which has been in political deadlock for years.

The latest violence occurred in late September when 31 people died in a military crackdown on street protests led by Buddhist monks.

The EU envoy met outgoing Foreign Minister Nitya Pibulsonggram, who said the Thai government under leadership of Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont has similar wishes as the international community and the EU to see full democracy and human rights in Burma.

Fassino, appointed as the special envoy on Burma in November, is on an Asian tour that has already taken him to Beijing and Jakarta. He will visit India, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, and Japan over the next two months to seek cooperation in achieving his mission.

The EU's strategy is to promote a dialogue between all the different actors in Burma's society; the junta, the opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and representatives of ethnic minorities, he said.

The EU envoy said he was working in collaboration with the United Nations special envoy Ibrahim Gambari, whom he hoped would have a chance to visit Burma soon to facilitate political dialogue.

"The meeting with lady Aung San Suu Kyi and the representatives of junta was very important but now it's necessary to open a new, more concrete phase. I think it's necessary to open a real dialogue between the junta and the opposition and all sectors in Burmese society," he said.

by Supalak G Khundee

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Burmese Generals probably happy with Thailand's new government - Kyaw Zwa Moe
Irrawaddy: Tue 29 Jan 2008

Burma's ruling generals in the isolated capital of Naypyidaw are probably smiling over the election of Thailand's 25th prime minister on Monday.

The junta no doubt views the new prime minister, Samak Sundaravej, as a proxy for deposed Prime Minister Thaksin Sinawatra, as does most of the Thai public.

Thaksin, who makes many of the decisions for the newly formed government, was widely regarded as a Burma supporter who saw the country as a potential business partner.

But in terms of the two countries political systems, Burma and Thailand are no longer the same, following Thailand's recent democratic election and the end of rule for Thailand's military junta, which governed the country for more than one year.

From September 2006 until December 2008, the two governments were the same—generals ruled.

Thailand's new Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej is the ostensible leader of the People Power Party. He admitted to being a "proxy" for Thaksin, who is currently residing in exile in Hong Kong. Samak was nominated by Thaksin to lead the People Power Party, which was founded after Thaksin's Thai Rak Thai Party was dissolved by Thailand's coup leaders.

Burmese generals probably anticipate much smoother—and more supportive—relations with Thailand's new government.

Thaksin was a friend of Burma's military regime when he was prime minister from 2001 to 2006. He was criticized for courting the junta by supporting business concessions and defending the military leaders.

Thailand is one of Burma's biggest investors, and state-owned industries such as PTT and EGAT (the Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand) are still the largest purchaser of gas from Burma, contributing almost US $2 billion a year to the military regime.

Business relations under Thaksin's government were better than ever for the Burmese government. In 2003, Shin Corp, the telecom company once owned by Thaksin's family, signed a deal with Bagan Cybertech, the Burmese internet service provider, owned by Ye Naing Win, the son of the deposed Prime Minister Gen Khin Nyunt.

In 2004, Thaksin traveled to the ancient capital of Pagan, Burma, to sell his "Economic Cooperation Strategy," and he promised the Burmese junta aid and support worth $45 million.

In December 2003, Thaksin's government hosted the "Bangkok Process" to advance democracy in Burma. In addition to two foreign ministers from the host country and Burma, the meeting included representatives from Australia, Austria, China, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan and Singapore. The meeting yielded nothing even though Thai Foreign Minister Surakiat Sathirathai heralded it a "breakthrough."

After the junta's harsh crack down on the monk-led demonstrations last September, the generals have faced growing international pressure. Even the regime's traditional supporters such as China, India and members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations have become more vocally critical even as they stick to their noninterference policies, saying Burmese politics is an "internal affair."

Burma needs more friends to support its policies internationally. But the generals are always skeptical and reserved when they deal with foreign countries. They like to say they have no "always friends" or "always enemies." They focus on their own interest based on the present.

However, it's likely they see the new Thai government as an old friend. And they will probably benefit from it.

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EU envoy calls for release of Myanmar's Aung San Suu Kyi
Agence France Presse: Tue 29 Jan 2008

The EU's special envoy for Myanmar on Tuesday urged the country's military regime to free democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi as he kicked off an Asian tour aimed at pressuring the junta for reform.

"I hope the lady Aung San Suu Kyi can be free as soon as possible," Piero Fassino told reporters after a meeting with Thai Foreign Minister Nitya Pibulsonggram.

Aung San Suu Kyi, a 62-year-old Nobel Peace Prize winner, has spent 12 of the past 18 years under house arrest in Yangon.

The ruling junta, in an apparent bid to defuse global pressure after its bloody crackdown on protests last September, appointed Labour Minister Aung Kyi in October to handle contacts with the detained opposition leader.

Since then, Aung San Suu Kyi and Aung Kyi met four times, including their last meeting on January 11, but the military government has given no details of their talks.

Fassino, a former Italian justice minister, said he supported the junta's dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi but urged the regime to make concrete progress.

"Now it's necessary to open new phases. I think it's necessary to open real dialogue between the junta and the opposition and all different sectors of Myanmar society," he said.

Fassino was appointed the EU special envoy on Myanmar last November and said he would travel to Indonesia, India, Vietnam, Laos and Japan over the next two months in a bid to garner Asian support to press Myanmar for reform.

The Italian diplomat also called on the regime to allow the United Nations special envoy to Myanmar, Ibrahim Gambari, to return to the Southeast Asian country "as soon as possible."

Gambari has visited Myanmar twice since the bloody military crackdown in September on peaceful protests led by Buddhist monks, who spearheaded the biggest pro-democracy uprising in nearly 20 years.

The United Nations says at least 31 people were killed during the suppression, and 74 remain missing.

Gambari has asked to return to Myanmar this month but was told by authorities there that they would consider an April visit.

Myanmar has been ruled by the military since 1962.

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Gambari in New Delhi to urge fresh Indian support - Mungpi
Mizzima News: Tue 29 Jan 2008

New Delhi, India – In his second trip to India, United Nations Special Envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, arrived in New Delhi on Monday and is scheduled to meet with Indian government officials, a UN spokesperson said.

Rajiv Chandran, Information Officer for the UN in New Delhi, said the Special Envoy arrived on Monday evening and will begin official meetings on Wednesday.

"We [the UN] have requested four appointments, with the Foreign Secretary, Foreign Minister, Prime Minister and Vice President," Chandran said.

Chandran, however, said Gambari is unlikely to hold any press conference during the trip and the Indian government has yet to respond to the meeting requests.

Gambari, who will travel to China later, is expected to discuss with Indian leaders how best to push for democratic reform in military-ruled Burma.

The Special Envoy, in his earlier visit to New Delhi, said he was satisfied with the Indian response to the UN Secretary General's initiative for reforms in Burma.

However, the Nigerian diplomat urged India to further use its leverage on Burma to pressure the military junta to implement reforms.

India came under the international spotlight and was widely criticized for its failure to condemn the Burmese military junta for its use of violence to crackdown on protestors in September.

India, which also shares an over 1,400 kilometer porous border with Burma, is being attacked by rights groups as well as by Western nations for its reported supply of military hardware to the Burmese generals.

However India, in a turn of events, has since raised its voice and urged the Burmese military junta to restrain from the use of violence and called for a broad-based dialogue with opposition groups toward kick-starting national reconciliation.

But critics say India's policy on Burma remains hypocritical. While India has made rhetorical calls for changes in troubled Burma, it maintains and official relationship with the generals, including the signing of agreements and memorandum of understandings for an enhanced economic relationship.

In what seems to be a refute of the criticisms made by human rights groups and Western nations on its supply of military hardware to Burmese generals, unconfirmed information that it has ceased its supply of military hardware to Burma has spread among the media, making critics think India is shifting its policy on Burma.

However, Rahul Bedi, a Jane's Defence Weekly correspondent who covers Indo-Burmese military relations, says India has never changed its policy and has not ceased all supplies of military hardware to the generals.

"But, India has temporarily halted the supply of military hardware following the September protests," Bedi told Mizzima.

Following the Burmese general's bloody crackdown on protests led by Buddhist monks in September, India was widely criticized for its silence and continuing engagement with the junta.

"In response to international calls, India has temporarily halted the supply of military hardware to the Burmese junta", Bedi said, adding that "we cannot assume that India has totally stopped its arms supply to the generals."

He added that India has its own interests to look after in terms of dealing with the Burmese generals, and increasing Chinese influence in the Southeast Asian nation seems to pose a greater threat for Indian policy makers rather than continuing its vague support for democracy and human rights in Burma.

While the Burmese crisis seems to be sandwiched between its two giant neighbors' struggles for greater influence on the internationally isolated country, both Indian and Chinese leaders have expressed their support for the UN Secretary General's initiative to push for reforms in Burma.

Gambari, who is New Delhi to garner fresh support, is expected to highlight the importance of India's role and is likely to urge India to use its leverage on the Burmese generals to implement reforms.

Following his Indian visit Gambari will visit China, but Chandran said, "He will leave on 31st January, the day after his meeting with the Indian government and will not go directly to China from here, it will be later."

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China continues to supply Burma with military equipment
The Observers: Tue 29 Jan 2008

A blog by Burmese exiles in Thailand (Vimutti) has published photos of new military vehicles delivered to Burma from China on 15 January. The vans are the same model that was used to transport soldiers and prisoners during September's crackdown. However, Chinese diplomats insist they are working hard to get the Junta to negotiate with the opposition and to make efforts in terms of human rights. Kio, our Observer for Burma, comments on the situation.

China's been supplying the Junta with military equipment since 1988. They even gave them a million-dollar loan to be able to buy the stuff, which is mainly heavy artillery and military vehicles. The Chinese authorities have reason to want a calm Junta. They don't want any trouble because the Olympic Games are on their way, and also because they want to avoid an influx of refugees. That's why they openly criticised the crackdown in September. That was a first. But at the same time, they want to maintain their trade links, particularly to sustain sales of military material. However, competition has recently increased, especially with India, who actually succeeded in selling fighter-planes to Burma last year. The trucks that come through the Sino-Burmese border - the FAW models - have been used by the army for the past 20 years. According to the blog that published these photos, they were giving a 'present' to the junta, probably in exchange for jade, teak or farming produce."

http://observers.france24.com/en/content/20080128-china-continues-supply-burma-military-equipment

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Japan gives $1.79m to Myanmar - Kyaw Hsu Mon
Myanmar Times: Tue 29 Jan 2008

The government of Japan pledged US$1.79 million to UNICEF Myanmar last week to support an eight-phase project aimed at improving maternal and child healthcare services.

The agreement for the grant was signed on January 14 at Sedona Hotel in Yangon between Mr Yasuaki Nogawa, the Japanese ambassador to Myanmar, and Mr Ramesh Shrestha, UNICEF's country representative.

Mr Shrestha said at the signing ceremony that the money will be used to support collective effort to protect Myanmar's children against vaccine-preventable diseases, malaria and other fatal ailments, and to save their mothers from pregnancy-related deaths.

"UNICEF will ensure that this assistance will target those most in need," he said, adding that most of the aid will target rural areas.

The funding will be used to purchase rapid test kits and medicine for malaria, vaccines for measles and tetanus, and essential medicines and equipment for reproductive health, according to an announce-ment from the Japanese embassy.

Japan has provided assistance for seven consecutive phases of the same project amounting to US$31.9 million from 1999 to 2006.

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Electric power sector major attractor of foreign investment in Myanmar
Xinhua General News Service: Tue 29 Jan 2008

Myanmar's electric power sector has attracted 6.311 billion U.S. dollars of foreign investment as of the end of 2007, the Weekly Eleven News, one of the leading private-run news journals, reported Tuesday.

Of a total contracted foreign investment of 14.736 billion dollars in 417 projects, the electric power sector stands as the biggest attractor of foreign investment, the report quoted the Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development as saying.

It was followed by oil and gas with 3.243 billion dollars, manufacturing 1.629 billion dollars, real estate development 1.056 billion dollars, hotels and tourism 1.034 billion dollars, mining 534.89 million dollars, livestock breeding and fisheries 324.35 million dollars and transport and communications 313.27 million dollars.

Of the 417 projects, electric power accounted for 42.83 percent, oil and gas 22 percent, manufacturing 11.06 percent, real estate 7. 73 percent and hotels and tourism 7.02 percent, said the report.

The foreign investment in Myanmar came from 28 countries and regions, of which Thailand, Singapore, the United Kingdom and Malaysia were leading.

In 2005-06 fiscal year (April-March), Myanmar absorbed the highest annual contracted foreign investment of 6.065 billion dollars which mainly came from Thailand with 6.03 billion dollars in a major power project — the 7,110-megawatt Tar-hsan hydropower project on the Thanlwin River in eastern Shan state's Tachilek.

In 2006-07, the country brought in 752 million dollars of investment with 471.48 million dollars in the oil and gas sector from the United Kingdom (240.68 million dollars), Singapore (160 million dollars), South Korea (37 million dollars) and Russian Federation (33 million dollars), and 281.22 million dollars in the power sector from China alone, according to the figures of the Central Statistical Organization (CSO).

Meanwhile, Myanmar companies made most investment in industry in 2007, followed by real estate, another local weekly the 7-Day reported earlier by quoting the Myanmar Industrial Producers Association.

Of the total private investment of 141.381 billion Kyats (about 112.2 million dollars) in 677 projects, that in industry amounted to 34.041 billion Kyats, while that in real estate 30.081 billion Kyats, the report quoted the Myanmar Investment Commission as saying.

Myanmar enacted the Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) Law in late 1988 when it started to adopt a market-oriented economic policy.

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Army offensive in Eastern Burma creates growing humanitarian crisis - Rory Byrne and Wido Schlichting
Voice of America: Tue 29 Jan 2008

Reports from Karen State in eastern Burma say that the army's annual dry season offensive against the Karen National Union is under way. The KNU has been fighting for freedom from the military government for almost 60 years. In the past two years, rights groups say the Burmese army has intensified a scorched earth campaign in Karen State, resulting in a growing humanitarian crisis. Rory Byrne and Wido Schlichting report from the Thai-Burma border.

The war between the Burmese army and the Karen ethnic minority in Burma is thought to be the world's longest running civil war. War broke out shortly after independence from Britain in 1949 when the Karen were denied autonomy from the government in Rangoon, dominated by ethnic Burmese.

Burma's military government justifies its harsh rule in part by saying it is necessary to keep different ethnic groups from trying to split the country. Over the years, more than 17 ethnic groups have fought the government, although in the past decade several signed peace agreements. But in Karen State the fighting continues and villagers are caught in the middle.

Human rights groups say the Burmese army uses scorched-earth tactics to deny Karen guerrillas a support base. Villagers are killed or forced to flee, livestock are shot, homes are burned and landmines are laid to prevent people from returning.

Aid groups say that about 370 villagers have been killed since late 2006. About 30,000 have been displaced.

Debbie Stothard is the coordinator for the Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma. She told us, "In the past two and a half years we have seen no let up in the attack – it's no longer a seasonal offensive, it's an on-going intense offensive and that has meant that people – many, many communities – have not been able to grow rice for two years. Twenty-five thousand people are facing imminent starvation."

Human rights groups say that the army often uses captured civilians as forced labor. The Karen say they want peace but, without a peace agreement, they will keep fighting.

Johnny is the commander of the KNU's seventh brigade based on the Thai-Burma border. "Even though we are less in number, what we need is sacrifice, perseverance and unity, so then one day we will certainly obtain our victory and surely achieve our goal," he says.

Sann Aung is a cabinet minister with Burma's government-in-exile, based in Bangkok. He tells VOA, "They would like to negotiate a ceasefire. They have had many talks with the military regime, but the military regime demands their total surrender. That is not acceptable to the KNU [Karen National Union]. That is the situation."

Aid groups expect that in the coming months, thousands more Karen will be forced to flee and more lives will be lost.

http://www.voanews.com/english/2008-01-25-voa51.cfm

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Burmese bloggers hide from police - Nem Davies
Mizzima News: Tue 29 Jan 2008

Apprehensive of the relentless crackdown by the Burmese military junta, several Burmese bloggers in Rangoon have gone into hiding. The scare follows the arrest of a Burmese blogger, Nay Phone Latt, earlier in the day.

Burmese bloggers in the former capital are alarmed and have been forced to go underground in fear of the authorities taking action against them. Nay Phone Latt (Nay Bone Latt), a blogger as well as a writer, was arrested from an internet cafe in Thingan Kyun Township.

A blogger, who requested anonymity in fear of reprisals, said, "At the moment we [bloggers] are fleeing in the wake of the arrest of Ko Nay Phone Latt."

Nay Phone Latt has a blog site www.nayphonelatt.blogspot.com, where he posted writings about expressions of the youth in Burma.

Another blogger said he believes the authorities have targeted bloggers and confirmed that fellow bloggers are on the run in fear of arrests.

Internet users in Rangoon said, over a few weeks ago, authorities have stepped up surveillance of internet users and asked internet café owners to maintain strict records of users.

Blogging, which is popular among Burmese youth, has become a dangerous pastime in the country. The authority's stranglehold over information flow remains as tight as ever and there is zero tolerance over any critical writing.

During the September protests, a Burmese blogger Thar Phyu, who has a blogsite www.mogokemedia.blogspot.com, was arrested and briefly detained for posting pictures of monks and people demonstrating on the streets.

Meanwhile, authorities have shifted poet Saya Saw Wai, who was arrested last week for writing a Valentines' day poem that contains a hidden word – 'Power Crazy Than Shwe', – to the notorious Insein prison on Saturday, family members said.

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Burma's government tightens its grip on international aid agencies - Mungpi
Mizzima News: Tue 29 Jan 2008

In what seems to be a renewed effort to control the movement of international aid agencies operating in Burma, the Ministry of Home Affairs (MoH) has established new sets of regulations for aid groups.

The new instructions, which are supplementary to the existing rules, were told to International Non-governmental Organizations (INGOs) operating in Burma by the Ministry of Home Affairs during a meeting on January 11, 2008, held at Burma's new capital of Naypyitaw, according to the meeting minutes, a copy of which Mizzima has obtained.

According to the meeting notes, circulated among concerned government ministries, departments and INGOs, all travel by representatives of aid agencies to the field will have to be approved by the Ministry of Defense. This directive literally controls the movement of aid groups.

"No permission from Ka-Ka-Kyi [Ministry of Defense], no travel," Dr. San Shwe Win, Deputy Director General of the Department of Health, who chaired the meeting, told the aid agencies.

While the authenticity of the meeting minutes could not be independently confirmed, an aid worker in Rangoon told Mizzima, "Yes, there was a meeting in Naypyitaw and one of our senior members attended."

However the aid worker, who wished not to be named, did not elaborate on the meeting.

During the meeting, the Chairman said all visits by expatriates will be accompanied by government appointed Liaison Officers (LO), as done in previous years, and expatriates are advised to stay close to the LO.

The LO will accompany and stay with the expatriates, "if possible in the same hotel, taking the same flight, using the same vehicle." Additionally, the LO should be included in all activity-related trainings or meetings and the aid agency is to bear all expenses of the LO.

Dr. San Shwe Win said the new time frame for all Memorandum of Understandings between the government and INGOs is set at one year, and aid agencies will be required to apply for renewal at least 3 to 6 months in advance.

The Chairman of the meeting encouraged INGOs to minimize the conduct of surveys or assessments and instead utilize existing information from other agencies.

Burma, which has a tradition of hiding or providing widely inaccurate data on health, has always refused the request of international organizations to conduct extensive surveys in the country.

"Surveys and assessments should be confined to "Health Issues"… and there needs to be prior discussion and agreement with non-health sector areas such as education, socio-economic conditions, etc," the meeting minutes said.

In a closing remark, Dr. San Shwe Win, chairman of the meeting, told representatives of the INGOs to focus only on "pure health activities" in order to obtain Memorandum of Understandings from the government.

"In the future, it will be difficult to get Memorandums of Understanding from the MoH if for health-related or non-health activities," added Dr. San Shwe Win.

The Chairman referenced a famous Burmese saying in advising the representatives under what conditions the restrictions may be lifted. "If a person is liked, then the rules are reduced," meaning rules and regulations can be reduced for close friends, "…so try to be liked first!"

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Irrawaddy dam construction begins, human rights abuses begin - Saw Yan Naing
Irrawaddy: Tue 29 Jan 2008

Burma and China began construction on one of the largest dams in Burma some two months ago; meanwhile, villagers in the area are being extorted and abused by the Burmese army, according to sources.

The Myitsone hydropower project is being built on the Irrawaddy confluence about 26 miles (42 km) north of Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State, in northern Burma.

A source, who recently observed the dam site, told The Irrawaddy on Monday that about 20 Chinese and a handful of Burmese engineers are working on the site, plus about 300 construction workers from the Asia World Company, owned by Tun Myint Naing, one of the discredited cronies with links to the Burmese regime. The workers have built shelters in the area by the site and are currently tasked with detonating dynamite underneath the Irrawaddy River to break up the rocks and create space for the dam.

The Burmese state-run newspaper, The New Light of Myanmar, reported in May 2007 that seven hydropower projects on the Irrawaddy River had been designed to generate a combined total of 13,360 megawatts (MW) of electricity. The report said that the largest dam—Myitsone hydropower project—would produce some 3,600 MW.

The hydropower projects are being implemented under an agreement signed in late 2006 with the state-owned China Power Investment Corporation (CPI) and Burma's Ministry of Electric Power No 1.

However, while construction is underway, a series of human rights abuses in the local areas have occurred following the arrival of Light Infantry Battalion 121, said residents.

The source who had observed the dam site said, "The Burmese army didn't stay in their camp. They went to Tanghpare village [some 3 miles (5 km) from the dam site] and took over a library and are staying there. Now they do whatever they want.

"The army are extorting money form local merchants and taking materials from shops in Tanghpare without paying," he said. "They are also taking vegetables from the villagers' farms and walking away with pigs and chickens."

The observer said that the Burmese army had been moved into the area as security for the hydroelectric dam site.

He added that local villagers didn't dare to say anything because they had been threatened by authorities and warned about making contact with foreign or exiled media.

Naw La, coordinator of the Chiang Mai-based Kachin Environmental Organization, on Tuesday said, "The natural heritage of the Kachin people in Myitsone area will be destroyed. More than 40 villages near the construction site will be flooded if the dam is built. The reinforcement of soldiers, forced relocations, deforestation and floods will follow hand-in-hand with its construction."

More than 10,000 villagers are currently living in those 40 villages, said Naw La.

He added: "If they intend to build a dam, the authorities should inform the villagers of the environmental and social impact assessment and let them become involved in the decision making. However, the authorities haven't contacted the villagers since the project's inception."

Some villagers are anticipating displacement from the dam site area and have already bought houses in Myitkyina, while others have been forced to seek shelter in the mountains near their villages, said the observer in Myitkyina.

An employee of the Kachin Consultative Assembly said that an earlier letter of complaint had been sent to the government asking it not to build a dam on the Irrawaddy confluence. The letter pointed out that the dam would destroy the lives and property of local people, damage natural resources and cause the loss of irreplaceable natural habitat. However, the government has not responded to the letter, he said.

Burma is currently cooperating with China and Thailand on several hydropower projects across the country. It expects hydropower projects to double production of electricity in the military-ruled country by 2009.

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Burmese junta force villagers to pay for road construction
Khonumthung News: Tue 29 Jan 2008

The Burmese military junta authorities do not bat an eye lid when it comes to collecting money forcibly from the people.

An order has been issued to collect money from villagers for the construction of a road that will connect Hakha, capital of Chin state to Mantaw village in Kalay Township, Sagaing division.

The order issued by Khuang Hlei Thang, chairman of Township Peace and Development Council in Thangtlang Township in Chin state on January 10 directs each village in Thangtlang to contribute Kyat 200,000 (about US $160) each for the 80 mile long Hakha-Mantaw road project.

The order further mentioned that each village must pay at the TDPC office in Thangtlang before the end of February.

The latest move has also added to the trouble of villagers who are facing a famine like situation (food crisis) because of bamboo flowering that helps rats multiply across remote areas Chin state.

"We have no idea where to find so much money when we can hardly generate our daily meal," said a local from Chin state.

The village heads have been assigned to collect the money.

The amount of money to be collected will range from Kyat 2000 to 6000 per household on the basis of the household number in the village. The sum of collected money is estimated to touch Kyat 17,000,000 (US $ 13,654), according to locals.

The eight feet wide Hakha – Mantaw road construction project began in 2006. Initially, it was targeted to be completed in 2007 with government funding. Later, the local authorities carried out the project with fund from civilians and labour of locals.

So far, only 50 miles of the 80 miles of the road has been completed.

On May 2007, the TPDC authorities from Thangtlang town had also collected Kyat 1,000 per household from 85 villages in Thangtlang for labour wages to be paid to road construction workers.

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Democracy activists demand government dialogue with opposition
Narinjara News: Tue 29 Jan 2008

Taungup: Democracy activists secretly pasted posters in prominent locations in Taungup town in Arakan State on Monday, demanding that the Burmese military regime release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and initiate a dialogue with opposition leaders.

The activists pasted posters carrying their demands on the entrance walls of famous Buddhist temples and monasteries, hospitals, the jetty, and markets during the night of January 27, 2008, said a student in Taungup.

The student said that the demands they wrote on the posters read as follows: "To follow the international Human Rights Declaration adopted by the UN," "To release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners," "To stop the arrest and harassment of people against the law," and "To make a dialogue immediately with the opposition groups."

Policemen removed all the posters in the early hours of January 28, soon after the news of the posters began spreading among the people.

Many townspeople read the posters in the morning before the policemen tore them down and all were happy to see the posters and the demands, the student said.

Authorities in Taungup are now closely watching NLD members and other democracy activists there. Many extra police personnel have been brought in from other townships to Taungup and have been deployed in key places in town, including the monasteries and the central market.

People in Taungup had plans to stage a demonstration on January 17, 2008 but did not get the chance to gather as authorities blocked all the streets in the town with police forces, the student said.

Unidentified democracy activists also distributed anti-government flyers on January 19 along the streets of Taungup and Kyaukpru in Arakan State, despite heavy security in the area.

Taungup town played an active role in Arakan State, and many anti-government activities broke out in the town during and after the Saffron Revolution.

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Statement of the 2007 Generation Students' Union
Tue 29 Jan 2008

Today our country, Burma, is facing failures in all aspects like economy, social affairs,

education and even religion under the evil military dictatorship. All the citizens are suffering a lot daily from such general hardships as starvation, forced labor, poor health care, substandard educational system and loss of freedom and human rights because of oppression by a handful of bureaucratic military dictators. All democracy-loving Burmese people have the responsibility to break free from these dire troubles.

Like all Burmese people of all walks, we students highly yearn for values of liberty, democracy and human rights that every free people of the world are enjoying. In order to fulfill our hopes, we believe that we students too have as much responsibility as the Burmese people. History has given proof that we students have served in the forefront of all stages in Burma's struggles for liberation and democracy along with other classes, sacrificing blood, sweat and tears. Hence, the duty to work for democracy is the one relayed by history to be borne by us.

To accomplish this historical task to our utmost by risking our lives, we have established the "2007 Generation Students Union" consisting of students all over Burma. We "2007

Generation Students Union" would peacefully fight for fundamental rights and democracy for the entire student mass. Therefore the "2007 Generation Students Union" solemnly urge all students throughout Burma to work together with uniform spirit so that our student strata's stature would be glorious.

"We have responsibility for our history"

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